Fertility discourse in parental leave policies' media coverage : a frame analysis of French-speaking Swiss press articles from 1999 to 2009

This paper analyses the media coverage of parental leave policies (parental and paternity leaves) in Swiss French-speaking press articles from 1999 to 2009. Switzerland is one of the rare European countries which has no statutory parental or paternity leave. The aim is to describe the mediatisation of these policies and to analyse the arguments in favour and against their implementation. We investigate the status of a fertility frame - the mobilisation of discourse relating to fertility issues - among the various arguments used to justify or reject parental leave policies. We proceed with a content analysis of 579 press articles, as well as a frame analysis on a subset in which parental leave policies are the central theme (N=206). Results show that paternity leave is the predominant public issue addressed in the dataset. A mediatisation peak was reached in 2007, following an initiative of a member of the Federal executive to implement a short paternity leave. Parental leave policies are predominantly represented in a positive light. The main positive frame is economic, in which leaves are represented as serving the interests of companies. Involved fatherhood and gender equality are also frequently mentioned as positive frames. The fertility frame is only moderately used in articles covering Swiss news on paternity leaves. Conversely, the fertility frame is largely mobilised in articles covering parental leave in other countries. We discuss some interpretations of this discrepancy and suggest future avenues of research on parental leave policies in Switzerland.

The Political Economy of Active Labor-Market Policy

Active labor-market policies (ALMPs) have developed significantly over the past two decades across Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, with substantial cross-national differences in terms of both extent and overall orientation. The objective of this article is to account for cross-national variation in this policy field. It starts by reviewing existing scholarship concerning political, institutional, and ideational determinants of ALMPs. It then argues that ALMP is too broad a category to be used without further specification, and it develops a typology of four different types of ALMPs: incentive reinforcement, employment assistance, occupation, and human capital investment. These are discussed and examined through ALMP expenditure profiles in selected countries. The article uses this typology to analyze ALMP trajectories in six Western European countries and shows that the role of this instrument changes dramatically over time. It concludes that there is little regularity in the political determinants of ALMPs. In contrast, it finds strong institutional and ideational effects, nested in the interaction between the changing economic context and existing labor-market policies.

Organisational reforms in active welfare states: A comparative analysis of the turn to 'single gateways' in Western Europe

Based on the case of reforms aimed at integrating the provision of income protection and employment services for jobless people in Europe, this thesis seeks to understand the reasons which may prompt governments to engage in large-scale organisational reforms. Over the last 20 years, several European countries have indeed radically redesigned the organisational structure of their welfare state by merging or bundling existing front-line offices in charge of benefit payment and employment services together into 'one-stop' agencies. Whereas in academic and political debates, these reforms are generally presented as a necessary and rational response to the problems and inconsistencies induced by fragmentation in a context of the reorientation of welfare states towards labour market activation, this thesis shows that the agenda setting of these reforms is in fact the result of multidimensional political dynamics. More specifically, the main argument of this thesis is that these reforms are best understood not so such from the problems induced by organisational compartmentalism, whose political recognition is often controversial, but from the various goals that governments may simultaneously achieve by means of their adoption. This argument is tested by comparing agenda-setting processes of large-scale reforms of coordination in the United Kingdom (Jobcentre Plus), Germany (Hartz IV reform) and Denmark (2005 Jobcentre reform), and contrasting them with the Swiss case where the government has so far rejected any coordination initiative involving organisational redesign. This comparison brings to light the importance, for the rise of organisational reforms, of the possibility to couple them with the following three goals: first, goals related to the strengthening of activation policies; second, institutional goals seeking to redefine the balance of responsibilities between the central state and non-state actors, and finally electoral goals for governments eager to maintain political credibility. The decisive role of electoral goals in the three countries suggests that these reforms are less bound by partisan politics than by the particular pressures facing governments arrived in office after long periods in opposition.

Une européanisation des politiques de conciliation de la vie familiale et professionnelle? : les cas de l'Italie et de la France

Les différents pays membres de l'UE connaissent des politiques dites de « conciliation de la vie professionnelle et familiale » qui correspondent à un ensemble de dispositifs hétéroclites, plus ou moins complexes, mais rarement cohérents. Alliant des objectifs tels que la hausse de la natalité, la protection des mères et des enfants, l'égalité entre femmes et hommes, la lutte contre la pauvreté des enfants et des familles monoparentales et l'activation des femmes, ces politiques sont fortement ancrées dans des traditions nationales de politiques familiales, d'emploi et fiscales. Ces politiques portent en elles l'héritage et les tensions de l'histoire d'un pays. Au moment où un nouvel acteur international, l'Union européenne, intervient de manière de plus en plus explicite dans le débat et dans la définition de ces politiques, la présente étude tend à analyser l'influence exercées par les référentiels européens en matière de politiques de conciliation sur les discours et politiques nationales de l'Italie et de la France. A partir d'une analyse cognitive du processus d'européanisation, nous montrons que les référentiels développés au sein de l'UE, par leur caractère abstrait et flou, n'ont eu jusqu'ici qu'une faible influence sur les discours et politiques en Italie et en France. Croisant une perspective néo-institutionnaliste historique et discursive, notre recherche a été construite autour de deux axes de réflexion. Premièrement, il a été question d'analyser, d'une part, l'évolution du discours tenu par les différentes instances européennes (notamment de la Commission européenne, le Conseil européen et le Fonds Social européen) et, d'autre part, questionner comment un consensus a pu émerger entre des pays et des acteurs qui ont des traditions extrêmement différentes en matière de politique sociale, de politique familiale et de convention de genre. Deuxièmement, il a été question d'analyser si et comment un cadre de référence conçu au niveau communautaire a pu influencer les discours et politiques au niveau national. - The reconciliation of work and family life policies forms, in the EU's member States, a plurality of politics, more or less complex, but rarely coherent. Combining different objectives such as fertility increase, mothers and children protection, equality between men and women, fight against children and lone-parent families poverty and women activation, these policies are part of the national traditions of family, employment and tax policy and bear the heritage and the tensions of the country history. At a moment when a new global player, the European Union, interferes increasingly explicitly in the debate and the definition of reconciling work and family life policies, the question at the heart of this thesis was to define what kind of influence the référentiels of European discourses have on reconciliation policies since the late 1990s, in the Italian and French discourses and policies. Starting from a cognitive analysis of the Europeanization process, we show that the référentiels developed within the EU, by their abstract and vague nature, have had little influence in Italy and France. Crossing an historical and a discursive neo-institutionalist perspective, our research was based on two axes of reasoning. First, we have analysed, on the one hand, the evolution of various European institutions' discoursed (including the European Commission, the European Council and the European Social Fund) and, on the other hand, we have questioned how a consensus has emerged between countries and actors who have very different traditions in social policy, family policy and gender conventions. Secondly, we have observed if and how a framework developed at Community level, as a kind of ideal to strive for, has influenced discourses and policies at the national level.

Prospective randomized study of two cryopreservation policies avoiding embryo selection: the pronucleate stage leads to a higher cumulative delivery rate than the early cleavage stage.

OBJECTIVE: To compare the cumulative live birth rates obtained after cryopreservation of either pronucleate (PN) zygotes or early-cleavage (EC) embryos. DESIGN: Prospective randomized study. SETTING: University hospital. PATIENT(S): Three hundred eighty-two patients, involved in an IVF/ICSI program from January 1993 to December 1995, who had their supernumerary embryos cryopreserved either at the PN (group I) or EC (group II) stage. For 89 patients, cryopreservation of EC embryos was canceled because of poor embryo development (group III). Frozen-thawed embryo transfers performed up to December 1998 were considered. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE(S): Age, oocytes, zygotes, cryopreserved and transferred embryos, damage after thawing, cumulative embryo scores, implantation, and cumulative live birth rates. RESULT(S): The clinical pregnancy and live birth rates were similar in all groups after fresh embryo transfers. Significantly higher implantation (10.5% vs. 5.9%) and pregnancy rates (19.5% vs. 10.9%; P< or = .02 per transfer after cryopreserved embryo transfers were obtained in group I versus group II, leading to higher cumulative pregnancy (55.5% vs. 38.6%; P < or = .002 and live birth rates (46.9% vs. 27.7%; P< or = .0001.Conclusion(s): The transfer of a maximum of three unselected embryos and freezing of all supernumerary PN zygotes can be safely done with significantly higher cumulative pregnancy chances than cryopreserving at a later EC stage.

Worlds of working poverty : Cross-national variation in the mechanisms that lead to poverty among workers

The objective of this paper is to distinguish between different types of working poverty, on the basis of the mechanisms that produce it. Whereas the poverty literature identifies a myriad of risk factors and of categories of disadvantaged workers, we focus on three immediate causes of working poverty, namely low wage rate, weak labour force attachment, and high needs, the latter mainly due to the presence of children (and sometimes to the increase in needs caused by a divorce). These three mechanisms are the channels through which macroeconomic, demographic and policy factors have a direct bearing on working households. The main assumption tested here is that welfare regimes strongly influence the relative weight of these three mechanisms in producing working poverty, and, hence, the composition of the working-poor population. Our figures confirm this hypothesis and show that low-wage employment is a key factor, but, by far, not the only one and that family policies broadly understood play a decisive role, as well as patterns of labour market participation and integration.

How Wages and Employment Adjust to Trade Liberalization: Quasi-Experimental Evidence from Austria

We study the response of regional employment and nominal wages to trade liberalization, exploiting the natural experiment provided by the opening of Central and Eastern European markets after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1990. Using data for Austrian municipalities, we examine di¤erential pre- and post-1990 wage and employment growth rates between regions bordering the formerly communist economies and interior regions. If the 'border regions'are de...ned narrowly, within a band of less than 50 kilometers, we can identify statistically signi...cant liberalization e¤ects on both employment and wages. While wages responded earlier than employment, the employment e¤ect over the entire adjustment period is estimated to be around three times as large as the wage e¤ect. The implied slope of the regional labor supply curve can be replicated in an economic geography model that features obstacles to labor migration due to immobile housing and to heterogeneous locational preferences.

Welfare regimes and change in the employment structure: Britain, Denmark and Germany since 1990

Welfare states are often reduced to their role as providers of social protection and redistribution. In 1990, Esping-Andersen argued that they also affect employment creation and the class structure. We analyse the stratification outcomes for three welfare regimes - Britain, Germany and Denmark - over the 1990s and 2000s. Based on individual-level surveys, we observe a disproportionate increase among professionals and managers, and a decline among production workers and clerks. The result is clear-cut occupational upgrading in Denmark and Germany. In Britain, high and low-end service jobs expanded, resulting in a polarized version of upgrading. Growth in low-end service jobs - and thus polarization - is no precondition for full employment. Both Britain and Denmark halved their low-educated unemployment rate between 1995 and 2008. Yet low-end service jobs expanded only in Britain, not in Denmark. The cause is the evolution of labour supply: rising educational attainment means that fewer low-educated workers look for low-skilled jobs.

A Behavioral Account of the Labor Market: The Role of Fairness Concerns

In this paper, we argue that important labor market phenomena can be better understood if one takes (a) the inherent incompleteness and relational nature of most employment contracts and (b) the existence of reference-dependent fairness concerns among a substantial share of the population into account. Theory shows and experiments confirm that, even if fairness concerns were to exert only weak effects in one-shot interactions, repeated interactions greatly magnify the relevance of such concerns on economic outcomes. We also review evidence from laboratory and field experiments examining the role of wages and fairness on effort, derive predictions from our approach for entry-level wages and incumbent workers' wages, confront these predictions with the evidence, and show that reference-dependent fairness concerns may have important consequences for the effects of economic policies such as minimum wage laws.