173 resultados para Environment politics
Resumo:
After superantigen challenge a significant proportion of superantigen-reactive T cells remain undivided. We provide evidence that the lymphoid environment limits T cell proliferation in the secondary lymphoid organs when the frequency of superantigen reactive T cells is unusually high. We monitored T cell proliferation and the percentage of undivided cells when the frequency of superantigen-reactive T cells was low (1%), intermediate (15%) or high (30-100%) by transferring fluorescently labeled cells into different recipients. When the frequency was low, practically all the reactive T cells entered cell cycle and proliferated maximally. At intermediate frequencies a large proportion of reactive T cells did not enter cell cycle and the whole population divided less. A further increase in reactive T cells did not alter the percentage of undivided cells but induced a further decrease in the number of cell divisions. Interestingly, the observations made with superantigens were confirmed with peptide antigen and TCR-transgenic mice. Moreover, in vivo and in vitro data suggest that dendritic cells are the most likely candidates in limiting T cell proliferation in the lymphoid environment. In conclusion, we show that the availability of APC in the lymphoid environment can quantitatively limit T cell priming.
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Cet article soutient l'idée que le travail du deuil peut être riche de possibilités pour repenser la communauté et les relations internationales, et que la " guerre préventive " ainsi que la déréalisation de la perte concourent à miner les liens humains fondamentaux. L'expérience du deuil est à même de révéler les modes sur lesquels le self est fait de relations intériorisées, si bien que lorsque nous perdons des êtres, nous perdons et altérons une part de nous-mêmes. Faire le deuil pourrait déboucher sur une option : la non-violence. A soutenir l'insoutenable quand nous perdons quelqu'un, nous pouvons devenir capables d'une plus grande sollicitude envers les pertes subies par les autres, et en particulier, les pertes causées par notre propre recours à la violence. La distinction entre des vies " qui valent la peine d'être pleurées " et d'autres " qui ne valent pas une larme " est révélatrice de la distribution géopolitique différentielle de la mélancolie, ainsi que des cadres raciaux et ethniques qui font et défont l'humain en sa possibilité d'être pleuré. Voici qui laisse entrevoir une manière de faire le lien entre un concept psychanalytique de la formation du sujet, concept pétri de politique, et une politique soucieuse de tout ce qu'il y a d'inacceptable à mourir sous les frappes militaires. La théorie féministe est centrale à cette conception, dans la mesure où elle met tout particulièrement l'accent sur un sujet incarné, vulnérable à la violence, qui ne peut émerger que dans le contexte d'une dépendance physique fondamentale.
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Nanomaterials have properties that are often very different from normal materials made of the same substance, which can be used to create novel products with exciting properties. However, the health and environmental impact of these nanomaterials is also changed and their potential risk needs to be studied. There is evidence that some nanomaterials can pass through tissue barriers (including the blood-brain barrier) and cell membranes. This is interesting for medical applications, but it raises concerns about the impact of non-medical nanomaterials. Current research aims at better coordinating research efforts and at better communication between researchers and involved stakeholders. Many research labs and production sites currently follow strategies that were established for dealing with very toxic chemicals and powders, until future research in this field helps identify the appropriate level of protection. All these efforts will ultimately ensure a safe, healthy and environmental friendly production, use and disposal of nanomaterials.
Resumo:
BACKGROUND AND AIM: Familial Mediterranean fever (FMF) is an autoinflammatory disease caused by mutations of the MEFV gene. We analyse the impact of ethnic, environmental and genetic factors on the severity of disease presentation in a large international registry. METHODS: Demographic, genetic and clinical data from validated paediatric FMF patients enrolled in the Eurofever registry were analysed. Three subgroups were considered: (i) patients living in the eastern Mediterranean countries; (ii) patients with an eastern Mediterranean ancestry living in western Europe; (iii) Caucasian patients living in western European countries. A score for disease severity at presentation was elaborated. RESULTS: Since November 2009, 346 FMF paediatric patients were enrolled in the Eurofever registry. The genetic and demographic features (ethnicity, age of onset, age at diagnosis) were similar among eastern Mediterranean patients whether they lived in their countries or western European countries. European patients had a lower frequency of the high penetrance M694V mutation and a significant delay of diagnosis (p<0.002). Patients living in eastern Mediterranean countries had a higher frequency of fever episodes/year and more frequent arthritis, pericarditis, chest pain, abdominal pain and vomiting compared to the other two groups. Multivariate analysis showed that the variables independently associated with severity of disease presentation were country of residence, presence of M694V mutation and positive family history. CONCLUSIONS: Eastern Mediterranean FMF patients have a milder disease phenotype once they migrate to Europe, reflecting the effect of environment on the expression of a monogenic disease.
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INTRODUCTION: The aim of the present study was to assess the association between remembered previous work place environment and return to work (RTW) after hospitalisation in a rehabilitation hospital. METHODS: A cohort of 291 orthopedic trauma patients discharged from hospital between 15 December 2004 and 31 December 2005 was included in a study addressing quality of life and work-related questions. Remembered previous work environment was measured by Karasek's 31-item Job Content Questionnaire (JCQ), given to the patients during hospitalisation. Post-hospitalisation work status was assessed 3 months, 1, and 2 years after discharge, using a questionnaire sent to the ex-patients. Logistic regression models were used to test the role of four JCQ variables on RTW at each time point while controlling for relevant confounders. RESULTS: Subjects perceiving a higher physical demand were less likely to return to work 1 year after hospital discharge. Social support at work was positively associated with RTW at all time points. A high job strain appeared to be positively associated with RTW 1 year after rehabilitation, with limitations due to large confidence intervals. CONCLUSIONS: Perceptions of previous work environment may influence the probability of RTW. In a rehabilitation setting, efforts should be made to assess those perceptions and, if needed, interventions to modify them should be applied.
Resumo:
The present thesis is about cognitions of left-wing activists and the role they play to better understand contentious participation. It compares activists of three post-industrial social movement organizations in Switzerland, i.e. Solidarity across Borders defending migrant's rights, the Society of Threatened People promoting collective human rights and Greenpeace protecting the environment. It makes use of an innovative mixed methods design combining survey and interview data. The main theoretical contribution is to conceptualize an analytical tool enabling to grasp the cognitive map of these activists by putting forward the concept of strong citizen, summing up their relation to society and politics. The relation to society consists of an extensive relation to others and an interconnected vision of society. Consequently, their primary concerns include the handing of common goods and the equal treatment of individuals with regard to common goods. The relation to politics incorporates a critical and vigilant citizen. They are critical towards political authorities and they appreciate political action by organized groups of the civil society. The thesis states that only by having such worldviews activists are able to construct an injustice, agency and identity frame for the claims of their organizations. Thus, the present work delivers a parsimonious answer to the question of where an injustice, agency and identity frame comes from. It does so by a systematic analysis of four specific arguments. First, it empirically demonstrates that these activists have - at the aggregate level - specific cognitive resources compared to the general population. Second, it describes the content of this specific cognitive outlook by evaluating the appropriateness of the strong citizen concept. Third, it looks at variations between activist's communities and shows that activists of more challenging protest issues are stronger citizens than activists of more mainstream protests. Finally, cognitions are not the only part of the story if one looks at contentious participation. Other factors, i.e. social networks and biographical availability, matter too. Therefore, I test if cognitions are able to contribute in explaining differences between activists' communities if one controls for other factors. In sum, this thesis is thus a first step to demonstrate why one should be concerned about activists' cognitions. - Cette thèse s'intéresse aux cognitions des activistes de gauche et à leur rôle dans le phénomène de la participation contestataire. Des activistes de trois organisations post- industrielles en Suisse sont comparé, à savoir Solidarité sans Frontières qui défend les droits des migrants, la Société des Peuples menacés qui promeut les droits des collectivités minoritaires et Greenpeace qui oeuvre pour la protection de l'environnement. Cette recherche utilise un « mixed methods design » en combinant de manière innovant des données de sondage et d'entretiens. Ma principale contribution théorique réside dans la conceptualisation d'un outil analytique qui permet de saisir la « carte cognitive » des activistes, à travers le concept de « strong citizen » qui se réfère à la relation spécifique qu'entretiennent certains individus avec la société et la politique. Ces individus sont caractérisés par une vision inclusive et interconnectée de la société, ainsi que par une conception politique du citoyen comme critique et vigilant. Mon argument principal est celui selon lequel seuls les individus possédant ce type particulier de cognitions sont capable de construire un cadre d'injustice, d'« agency » et d'identité. Cette thèse apporte donc quelques éléments de réponse à la question de l'origine de ces cadres cognitifs qui sont cruciales pour la participation. Pour ce faire, quatre aspects spécifiques sont analysés de manière systématique. Premièrement, je démontre empiriquement, au niveau agrégé, que ces activistes possèdent effectivement des ressources cognitives spécifiques - en comparaison avec la population générale. Deuxièmement, j'analyse le contenu de ces cognitions, ce qui me permet notamment d'évaluer la pertinence et l'adéquation du concept de « strong citizen ». Troisièmement, en m'intéressant cette fois aux variations entre communautés d'activistes, je démontre que ceux réunis autour d'enjeux protestataires très revendicatifs sont, d'un point de vue cognitif, plus proches de la figure du « strong citizen » que ceux mobilisés sur des enjeux plus consensuels. Finalement, d'autres facteurs, à savoir les réseaux sociaux et la disponibilité biographique, sont intégrés à l'analyse afin de mesurer le réel pouvoir explicatif des cognitions dans l'explication des différences observées entre communautés d'activistes. A travers ces analyses, cette thèse met en avant l'importance du rôle des cognitions dans l'étude de la participation contestataire.