50 resultados para organization of public authority


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This article examines the relationship between red tape, Public Service Motivation (PSM) and a particular work outcome labelled 'resigned satisfaction'. Using data from a national survey of over 3754 public servants working at the municipal level in Switzerland, this study shows the importance of looking more closely at the concept of work satisfaction and, furthermore, of thoroughly investigating the impact of the different PSM dimensions on work outcomes. Unsurprisingly, research findings show that red tape is the most important predictor of resignation. Nevertheless, when PSM dimensions are analysed separately, results demonstrate that 'commitment to public interest/civic duty' and, to a lesser extent, 'attraction to policy-making' decrease resignation, whereas 'compassion' and 'self-sacrifice' increase it. This study thus highlights some of the negative (or undesirable) effects of PSM that have not been previously addressed in PSM literature.

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This paper provides an explanation of the emergence of the standard textbook definition of public goods in the middle of the 20th century. It focuses on Richard Musgrave's contribution in defining public goods as non-rival and non-excludable - from 1939 to 1969. Although Samuelson's mathematical definition is generally used in models of public goods, the qualitative understanding of the specificity of pure public goods owes more to Musgrave's emphasis on the impossibility of exclusion. This paper also highlights the importance of the size of the group to which benefits of a public good accrue. This analysis allow for a reassessment of the Summary table of goods which first appeared in Musgrave and Musgrave (1973) textbook.

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The membrane organization of the alpha-subunit of purified (Na+ + K+)-ATPase ((Na+ + K+)-dependent adenosine triphosphate phosphorylase, EC 3.6.1.3) and of the microsomal enzyme of the kidney of the toad Bufo marinus was compared by using controlled trypsinolysis. With both enzyme preparations, digestions performed in the presence of Na+ yielded a 73 kDa fragment and in the presence of K+ a 56 kDa, a 40 kDa and small amounts of a 83 kDa fragment from the 96 kDa alpha-subunit. In contrast to mammalian preparations (Jørgensen, P.L. (1975) Biochim. Biophys. Acta 401, 399-415), trypsinolysis of the purified amphibian enzyme led to a biphasic loss of (Na+ + K+)-ATPase activity in the presence of both Na+ and K+. These data could be correlated with an early rapid cleavage of 3 kDa from the alpha-subunit in both ionic conditions and a slower degradation of the remaining 93 kDa polypeptide. On the other hand, in the microsomal enzyme, a 3 kDa shift of the alpha-subunit could only be produced in the presence of Na+. Our data indicate that (1) purification of the amphibian enzyme with detergent does not influence the overall topology of the alpha-subunit but produces a distinct structural alteration of its N-terminus and (2) the amphibian kidney enzyme responds to cations with similar conformational transitions as the mammalian kidney enzyme. In addition, anti alpha-serum used on digested enzyme samples revealed on immunoblots that the 40 kDa fragment was better recognized than the 56 kDa fragment. It is concluded that the NH2-terminal of the alpha-subunit contains more antigenic sites than the COOH-terminal domain in agreement with the results of Farley et al. (Farley, R.A., Ochoa, G.T. and Kudrow, A. (1986) Am. J. Physiol. 250, C896-C906).

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Nucleotide excision repair (NER) is an evolutionary conserved DNA repair system that is essential for the removal of UV-induced DNA damage. In this study we investigated how NER is compartmentalized in the interphase nucleus of human cells at the ultrastructural level by using electron microscopy in combination with immunogold labeling. We analyzed the role of two nuclear compartments: condensed chromatin domains and the perichromatin region. The latter contains transcriptionally active and partly decondensed chromatin at the surface of condensed chromatin domains. We studied the distribution of the damage-recognition protein XPC and of XPA, which is a central component of the chromatin-associated NER complex. Both XPC and XPA rapidly accumulate in the perichromatin region after UV irradiation, whereas only XPC is also moderately enriched in condensed chromatin domains. These observations suggest that DNA damage is detected by XPC throughout condensed chromatin domains, whereas DNA-repair complexes seem preferentially assembled in the perichromatin region. We propose that UV-damaged DNA inside condensed chromatin domains is relocated to the perichromatin region, similar to what has been shown for DNA replication. In support of this, we provide evidence that UV-damaged chromatin domains undergo expansion, which might facilitate the translocation process. Our results offer novel insight into the dynamic spatial organization of DNA repair in the human cell nucleus.

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Faced with an increasing number of data and rankings, the author questions the roles of the different groups of actors who were originally involved in questioning the use of statistical indicators as a means of addressing issues of access to higher education. The comparison and nature of these international (UNESCO, OECD, EUROSTAT) and national (Germany, England, France, Switzerland) indicators in matters of inequalities of access to higher education question the tension between the discourses and the indicators they generate, and their recording at the national level. Who says what and with what consequences? What range of actors are involved in this process? What kind of power relations forms them? The author discusses how the issue of inequalities of access to higher education got on to the agendas of European organisations, identifies the policies that were defined, and sets them against an array of indicators, showing the discrepancy between the discourses and what the indicators reveal, the gap between the recommendations and the available tools. Why is there such a contrast? What are the mechanisms at work? Is it a technical or a political problem? What does this discrepancy reveal as far as national specificities within the construction of social inequalities are concerned?

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The Swiss Federal Office of Public Health's (FOPH) updated its recommendations on fat consumption in 2013. The report recommends that maximum 10% of the daily caloric intake should come from saturated fatty acids, and the total fat intake should account for 20-35%. There is no limitation to dietary cholesterol consumption. Recent studies have shown that replacing consumption of saturated fatty acids by unsaturated fatty acids is more beneficial in terms of cardiovascular prevention than a low fat diet. The purpose of this article is to review the FOPH recommendations on dietary fat as well as the current evidence about their cardiovascular benefit, and to provide a translation of these scientific recommendations into clinical advice.

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The Fortress (La Forteresse) is a 2008 documentary film by Fernand Melgar that reports the Swiss asylum reality from a distant but committed point of view. The documentary describes the life of asylum seekers awaiting in a federal centre the decision to grant them-or not-refugee status. It subtly raises the issue of the role that "textual realities", grasped from the spectator's point of view, play in the production of public discourses. Most of all, it subtly poses the question of the (Swiss) spectator as an actor of the asylum policy, in the context of a semi-direct democracy. After evoking the notion of sensible experience for linking spectatorship to politics, we look at how the documentary invites its model spectator to accept the film's moral premises. Furthermore, focusing on the Swiss public sphere, we deliver an account of the reception by empirical spectators, notably by a group of leftist activists that tend to subvert Melgar's intentions. This two-fold analysis leads us to exhibit that, in a context of discursive struggles, The Fortress generates an original space of deliberation and experience, which appeals to the public to exercise their political agency on asylum policy without being constricted by an antagonist framework.