62 resultados para Republican Party (Tex.)
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PURPOSE This prospective multicenter phase III study compared the efficacy and safety of a triple combination (bortezomib-thalidomide-dexamethasone [VTD]) versus a dual combination (thalidomide-dexamethasone [TD]) in patients with multiple myeloma (MM) progressing or relapsing after autologous stem-cell transplantation (ASCT). PATIENTS AND METHODS Overall, 269 patients were randomly assigned to receive bortezomib (1.3 mg/m(2) intravenous bolus) or no bortezomib for 1 year, in combination with thalidomide (200 mg per day orally) and dexamethasone (40 mg orally once a day on 4 days once every 3 weeks). Bortezomib was administered on days 1, 4, 8, and 11 with a 10-day rest period (day 12 to day 21) for eight cycles (6 months), and then on days 1, 8, 15, and 22 with a 20-day rest period (day 23 to day 42) for four cycles (6 months). Results Median time to progression (primary end point) was significantly longer with VTD than TD (19.5 v 13.8 months; hazard ratio, 0.59; 95% CI, 0.44 to 0.80; P = .001), the complete response plus near-complete response rate was higher (45% v 25%; P = .001), and the median duration of response was longer (17.2 v 13.4 months; P = .03). The 24-month survival rate was in favor of VTD (71% v 65%; P = .093). Grade 3 peripheral neuropathy was more frequent with VTD (29% v 12%; P = .001) as were the rates of grades 3 and 4 infection and thrombocytopenia. CONCLUSION VTD was more effective than TD in the treatment of patients with MM with progressive or relapsing disease post-ASCT but was associated with a higher incidence of grade 3 neurotoxicity.
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Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.
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This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.
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(from the journal abstract) A new observational procedure, Trilogue Play with Still-face, revealed 4-month-olds' capacities to address both their fathers and mothers, by rapidly shifting gaze and affect between them. Infants were observed in four interactive contexts: (1) '3-together' play with both parents; (2) '2 + 1' play with one parent engaging and the other as third party; (3) the same, with one parent posing a still-face; (4) '3-together' play. Infants were able to discriminate between the four contexts. They coordinated three social poles of attention in each one. Their affect configurations were context sensitive. These findings demonstrate the infant's social capacities for triangular, three-person interactions, in addition to dyadic, two-person, and triadic, two-person plus object, ones. They support a view of intersubjectivity as primary and point to a promising field of investigation for the study of family process. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2005 APA, all rights reserved)
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Résumé de thèseLe syndrome de PFAPA est une maladie fébrile récurrente décrite pour la première fois en 1987 par Marshall et col. Elle est caractérisée par une fièvre périodique, une stomatite aphteuse, une pharyngite et des adénopathies. Ce syndrome débute dans les premières années de vie et est connu pour disparaître spontanément en principe avant l'adolescence. Hormis un traitement de prednisone en début de crise, aucun traitement n'a pu montrer une efficacité thérapeutique ou curative.L'origine et l'étiologie de cette maladie sont encore inconnues à ce jour et le diagnostic reste un diagnostic d'exclusion qui repose sur des critères définis par différents groupes depuis 1987. Dans le cadre du Working Party periodic fever de la Société Européenne de Rhumatologie pédiatrique (PreS), un groupe a été établi et celui-ci a mis en place un registre de patients atteints de PFAPA afin d'analyser cette maladie et de mieux définir les critères diagnostic. Le Dr Michael Hofer a été nommé chairman de ce groupe et a introduit rapidement les patients romands dans cet outil de travail.L'introduction des patients romands dans la base de données ainsi créée, nous a suggéré une susceptibilité familiale qui nous a poussés à investiguer ce point de manière plus approfondie. Nous avons donc regroupé tous les patients lausannois et ceux de collègues bordelais ayant un diagnostic avéré de PFAPA. Nous avons ensuite interrogé, au cours d'un entretien téléphonique, les familles de ces enfants grâce à un questionnaire standardisé. Celui-ci a été testé et validé sur des patients sains d'une consultation de pédiatrie générale.Nous avons ensuite réunie toutes ces informations et séparés les patients en deux groupes AF+ (anamnèse familiale positive pour une fièvre récurrente) et AF- (anamnèse familiale négative pour une fièvre récurrente). Nous avons établi des comparaisons entre les 2 différents groupes en reprenant les caractéristiques de ces patients depuis le registre PFAPA dans lequel ils sont tous inclus. Les analyses ont été contrôlées et validées par le centre d'épidémiologie clinique grâce aux méthodes statistiques reconnues.Les résultats obtenus et qui sont détaillés dans l'article, permettent de suspecter une origine familiale et par là même, potentiellement génétique, à cette maladie d'étiologie inconnue. Jusqu'à présent aucune prépondérance familiale n'avait pu être mise en évidence dans les autres études sur le sujet. Pourtant cette maladie fait partie du groupe des fièvres récurrentes qui ont pour beaucoup déjà un diagnostic génétique.Notre étude ouvre donc des perspectives non seulement de recherche sur l'éventuelle cause génétique mais pourrait également permettre une meilleure compréhension de la maladie, de ses diverses présentations ainsi que par la suite de nouvelles possibilités thérapeutiques.
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The use of the Internet now has a specific purpose: to find information. Unfortunately, the amount of data available on the Internet is growing exponentially, creating what can be considered a nearly infinite and ever-evolving network with no discernable structure. This rapid growth has raised the question of how to find the most relevant information. Many different techniques have been introduced to address the information overload, including search engines, Semantic Web, and recommender systems, among others. Recommender systems are computer-based techniques that are used to reduce information overload and recommend products likely to interest a user when given some information about the user's profile. This technique is mainly used in e-Commerce to suggest items that fit a customer's purchasing tendencies. The use of recommender systems for e-Government is a research topic that is intended to improve the interaction among public administrations, citizens, and the private sector through reducing information overload on e-Government services. More specifically, e-Democracy aims to increase citizens' participation in democratic processes through the use of information and communication technologies. In this chapter, an architecture of a recommender system that uses fuzzy clustering methods for e-Elections is introduced. In addition, a comparison with the smartvote system, a Web-based Voting Assistance Application (VAA) used to aid voters in finding the party or candidate that is most in line with their preferences, is presented.
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BACKGROUND: According to recent guidelines, patients with coronary artery disease (CAD) should undergo revascularization if significant myocardial ischemia is present. Both, cardiovascular magnetic resonance (CMR) and fractional flow reserve (FFR) allow for a reliable ischemia assessment and in combination with anatomical information provided by invasive coronary angiography (CXA), such a work-up sets the basis for a decision to revascularize or not. The cost-effectiveness ratio of these two strategies is compared. METHODS: Strategy 1) CMR to assess ischemia followed by CXA in ischemia-positive patients (CMR + CXA), Strategy 2) CXA followed by FFR in angiographically positive stenoses (CXA + FFR). The costs, evaluated from the third party payer perspective in Switzerland, Germany, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US), included public prices of the different outpatient procedures and costs induced by procedural complications and by diagnostic errors. The effectiveness criterion was the correct identification of hemodynamically significant coronary lesion(s) (= significant CAD) complemented by full anatomical information. Test performances were derived from the published literature. Cost-effectiveness ratios for both strategies were compared for hypothetical cohorts with different pretest likelihood of significant CAD. RESULTS: CMR + CXA and CXA + FFR were equally cost-effective at a pretest likelihood of CAD of 62% in Switzerland, 65% in Germany, 83% in the UK, and 82% in the US with costs of CHF 5'794, euro 1'517, £ 2'680, and $ 2'179 per patient correctly diagnosed. Below these thresholds, CMR + CXA showed lower costs per patient correctly diagnosed than CXA + FFR. CONCLUSIONS: The CMR + CXA strategy is more cost-effective than CXA + FFR below a CAD prevalence of 62%, 65%, 83%, and 82% for the Swiss, the German, the UK, and the US health care systems, respectively. These findings may help to optimize resource utilization in the diagnosis of CAD.
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So-called online Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have become very popular all over Europe. Millions of voters are using them as an assistance to make up their minds for which party they should vote. Despite this popularity there are only very few studies about the impact of these tools on individual electoral choice. On the basis of the Swiss VAA smartvote we present some first findings about the question whether VAAs do have a direct impact on the actual vote of their users. In deed, we find strong evidence that Swiss voters were affected by smartvote. However, our findings are somewhat contrary to the results of previous studies from other countries. Furthermore, the quality of available data for such studies needs to be improved. Future studies should pay attention to both: the improvement of the available data, as well as the explanation of the large variance of findings between the specific European countries.
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Cet article s'interroge sur les caractéristiques du personnel partisan marocain, à partir d'un protocole d'enquête inédit et d'une base de données sur 4 127 congressistes de dix organisations politiques marocaines, sondées entre 2008 et 2012. D'après les premiers traitements, l'espace partisan marocain est un petit monde dominé par les citadins, les hommes d'âge mûr, les plus dotés scolairement et économiquement ; mais, loin d'être coupé des citoyens ordinaires, il est travaillé par les dynamiques en oeuvre dans la société. Irréductible à une clientèle segmentée, il n'en demeure pas moins façonné par une opposition idéal-typique entre partis de notables et partis de militants. Using an original investigative protocol and a data base of 4,127 national delegates from ten Moroccan political organizations, surveyed between 2008 and 2012, this article examines the characteristics of party members in Morocco. Initial results indicate that the field of Moroccan political parties is a small world dominated by city dwellers, mature men, and the most highly educated, wealthiest individuals. However, far from being isolated from ordinary citizens, there are social dynamics at work. While it cannot be reduced to a segmented clientele, it is, nonetheless, shaped by an ideal-typical opposition between parties of notables and parties of activists.
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La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).
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BACKGROUND: Allogeneic stem cell transplantation is usually considered the only curative treatment option for patients with advanced or transformed myelodysplastic syndromes in complete remission, but post-remission chemotherapy and autologous stem cell transplantation are potential alternatives, especially in patients over 45 years old. DESIGN AND METHODS: We evaluated, after intensive anti-leukemic remission-induction chemotherapy, the impact of the availability of an HLA-identical sibling donor on an intention-to treat basis. Additionally, all patients without a sibling donor in complete remission after the first consolidation course were randomized to either autologous peripheral blood stem cell transplantation or a second consolidation course consisting of high-dose cytarabine. RESULTS: The 4-year survival of the 341 evaluable patients was 28%. After achieving complete remission, the 4-year survival rates of patients under 55 years old with or without a donor were 54% and 41%, respectively, with an adjusted hazard ratio of 0.81 (95% confidence interval [95% CI], 0.49-1.35) for survival and of 0.67 (95% CI, 0.42-1.06) for disease-free survival. In patients with intermediate/high risk cytogenetic abnormalities the hazard ratio in multivariate analysis was 0.58 (99% CI, 0.22-1.50) (P=0.14) for survival and 0.46 (99% CI, 0.22-1.50) for disease-free survival (P=0.03). In contrast, in patients with low risk cytogenetic characteristics the hazard ratio for survival was 1.17 (99% CI, 0.40-3.42) and that for disease-free survival was 1.02 (99% CI, 0.40-2.56). The 4-year survival of the 65 patients randomized to autologous peripheral blood stem cell transplantation or a second consolidation course of high-dose cytarabine was 37% and 27%, respectively. The hazard ratio in multivariate analysis was 1.22 (95% CI, 0.65-2.27) for survival and 1.02 (95% CI, 0.56-1.85) for disease-free survival. CONCLUSIONS: Patients with a donor and candidates for allogeneic stem cell transplantation in first complete remission may have a better disease-free survival than those without a donor in case of myelodysplastic syndromes with intermediate/high-risk cytogenetics. Autologous peripheral blood stem cell transplantation does not provide longer survival than intensive chemotherapy.