The Feminization of Occupations and Change in Wages : a Panel Analysis of Britain, Germany, and Switzerland

In the past four decades, women have made major inroads into occupations previously dominated by men. This paper examines whether occupational feminization is accompanied by a decline in wages: Do workers suffer a wage penalty if they remain in, or move into, feminizing occupations? We analyze this question over the 1990s and 2000s in Britain, Germany, and Switzerland, using longitudinal panel data to estimate individual fixed effects for men and women. Moving from an entirely male to an entirely female occupation entails a loss in individual earnings of 13 percent in Britain, 7 percent in Switzerland, and 3 percent in Germany. The impact of occupational feminization on wages is not linear, but sets apart occupations holding more than 60 percent of women. Moving into such female occupations incurs a wage penalty. Contrary to the prevailing idea in economics, differences in productivity-human capital, job-specific skills, and time investment-do not fully explain the wage gap between male and female occupations. The wage penalty associated with working in a female occupation is also much larger where employer discretion is greater-in the private sector-than where wagesetting is guided by formal rules-the public sector. These findings suggest that wage disparities across male and female occupations are due to gender devaluation.

Europeanization or Party Politics? Explaining Government Choice for Corporatist Concertation

This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.

A feasability study of the analysis of the economic outcomes of specialized nutrition in obesity and weight management in Switzerland

The increasing prevalence of obesity and its associated complications requires specialized care to improve outcomes and control health care costs. Obesity is associated with numerous serious and costly medical problems requiring specialized care in managing health. The economic burden of obesity includes increased inpatient and outpatient medical expenditures as well as employer-related issues of absenteeism and associate costs. The objectives of this study are: - To describe the health consequences and the economic burden of obesity, - To review the existing treatment - To argue in favor of a specialized nutritional intervention that has shown to improve health and reduce obesity related health care costs. Therefore, expose the possibility of introducing the specialized nutrition in Switzerland and the feasibility of this project considering the medical trends and reimbursement system in Switzerland The benefits and outcomes for the patients will be the significant weight loss which reduces the severity and risk factors for complications and the improved health and quality of life. Weight loss will be a combination of a diet, exercise and behavioral interventions which are the basic recommendations for obesity treatment in addition to the specialized nutritional support. By nutritional support, we mean products that are intended to provide nutritional support in the dietary management of people with specific diseases and conditions when adequate intake of regular foods is compromised. These products are called, Food for special medical purposes FSMP. They are not intended to treat, cure, prevent, mitigate or have a direct impact on disease in a manner similar to drugs or other medical treatments and should be used under medical supervision. They also provide a low cost alternative to surgery. From a health care system perspective, the specialized nutrition will drive its advantage by reducing the utilization of medical services for obesity associated complications like medication, physician's consultations and surgical interventions arriving to a cost effective care for the hospitals, the health care organizations and the third party payers which are the health insurances. [Author, p. 4]

Is Transnational Private Regulation Potentially an Effective Means of Promoting Collective Industrial Relations?

This paper asks whether collective industrial relations can be promoted by means other than seeking change in public policy. Recent research points to the increasing significance of transnational private regulation (TPR) in developing economies. There is an emerging consensus that market incentives to improve wages and conditions of work can have a modest positive effect on measurable outcomes like hours of work, and health and safety. However, it appears that TPR has little impact on the capacity of workers to pursue such improvements for themselves via collective action. The paper takes a closer look at the potential of TPR to enhance worker voice and participation. It argues that this potential cannot be properly evaluated without understanding how local actors mobilise the social and political resources that TPR provides. The case studies presented show how different TPR schemes have been used by unions in Africa as a means to pursue the interests of members. The authors found that the scale of the impact of TPR in all of the contexts studied depended almost entirely on the existing capacities and resources of the unions involved. TPR led to the creation of collective industrial relations processes, or helped unions to ensure that certain enterprises participated in existing industrial relations processes, but did virtually nothing to enhance the political and organisational capacity of the unions to influence the outcomes of those processes in terms of wages and conditions of employment. The paper concludes that the potential of TPR to promote the emergence of collective industrial relations systems is very low.