Three essays on leadership

ABSTRACT Samuel Bendahan, John Antonakis, Christian Zehnder, and François Pralong The relationship between power and immoral decisions has been discussed extensively by scientists and philosophers alike. Although the exercise of power is ubiquitous in social hierarchies, direct evidence on the impact of power on decision making is scarce. We use laboratory experiments to study whether more power leads to corruption. We manipulate power in the context of leader decision-making authority involving monetary stakes. Prior to the experiment, we also gathered extensive data on psychological and endocrinological individual differences. We find that an increase of power caused leaders to be more likely to engage in destructive, selfish behaviour, although the same subjects did not behave in this manner before their level of power was increased. We also show how individual differences affect the initial level of destructive behaviour and the corruption process. WHAT'S RIGHT FOR THE LEFT MAY NOT BE RIGHT FOR THE RIGHT: VALUE CONGRUENCE AND CHARISMA IN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP Samuel Bendahan ABSTRACT Value congruence between leaders and followers is important not only for follower commitment but also as part of the attributions followers make of leaders. I theorized that transformational leadership, which often is referred to as being value driven and having strong moral foundations, has differential effects depending on the values of the follower and whether these values are congruent with what the leader espouses. I designed an experiment to analyze how the political values of followers and leaders can influence followers' attributions regarding leaders. Within the context of political leadership, I found that transformational leaders were seen as more prototypical. Value congruence predicted prototypicality, which was strongly related to follower intentions to vote for the leader. Furthermore, followers with left-wing political values were more influenced by prototypical leaders than were followers with right-wing political values, presumably because of moral overtones of both left-wing ideology and transformational leadership. JUDGING LEADERSHIP POTENTIAL IN AN INTERVIEW: MODERATING EFFECT OF INTERVIEWER INTELLIGENCE ON INTERVIEWER COGNITIVE BUSYNESS, CANDIDATE PERFORMANCE-CUES EFFECTS, AND CANDIDATE ETHNICITY Samuel Bendahan, Philippe Jacquart, and John Antonakis ABSTRACT A large body of literature suggests that interviewers do not accurately rate candidates when using unstructured interviews and evaluation procedures that affect pre-interview expectations; however, the process by which these biases are produced is not well understood. We theorized several reasons for the sub-par performance of the unstructured interview. These factors, which we manipulated in the context of a videotaped interview of a candidate applying for a leadership position, include evaluator cognitive load, pre-interview performance cues regarding the candidate, and the ethnicity of the candidate. We also controlled for the intelligence of the evaluator. We found a significant four-way interaction between the manipulated factors and evaluators' cognitive abilities. The effects of the manipulated factors were all significantly less for evaluators who were high on general intelligence.

Ecologie et liberté : libéralisme versus républicanisme

La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).

A sure house studies on the dynastic promise to David in the books of Samuel

The dissertation studies the texts mentioning or alluding to the dynastic promise to David in the books of Samuel; in the concluding further perspectives it also overviews the occurrences of the promise in the books of Kings; in the appendix, it comments on the "Law of the King" in Deut 17,14-20, the last verse of which may contain an allusion to the Davidic promise. The study engages with recent discussion on the history of the text of 2 Sam 7. In a detailed textual commentary, it treats with all the differences between the main textual witnesses of the chapter, and apart from the evaluation of the individual variants, it attempts to answer the question whether the differences are due exclusively to the process of transmission, or they are of literary character. Special attention is paid to the value of 1 Chr 17 for the reconstruction of the oldest text of 2 Sam 7; the author hopes that the conclusions of this part of the dissertation may prove to be of some importance for a more general study of the reception of Samuel in Chronicles. The subsequent literary analysis of 2 Sam 7 and the other passages referring to the dynastic promise to David leads to two alternative datings of Nathan's oracle and consequently two alternative redactional hypotheses trying to give account of the emergence of the examined passages. In the concluding perspectives, the function of the promise in Samuel is compared with the occurrences of the motif in Kings; this comparison leads to tentative conclusions concerning the development of the relation of the two books.

Ethnic minority-majority asymmetry in national attitudes around the world: A multilevel analysis

Using data from the International Social Survey Programme, this research investigated asymmetric attitudes of ethnic minorities and majorities towards their country and explored the impact of human development, ethnic diversity, and social inequality as country-level moderators of national attitudes. In line with the general hypothesis of ethnic asymmetry, we found that ethnic, linguistic, and religious majorities were more identified with the nation and more strongly endorsed nationalist ideology than minorities (H1, 33 countries). Multilevel analyses revealed that this pattern of asymmetry was moderated by country-level characteristics: the difference between minorities and majorities was greatest in ethnically diverse countries and in egalitarian, low inequality contexts. We also observed a larger positive correlation between ethnic subgroup identification and both national identification and nationalism for majorities than for minorities (H2, 20 countries). A stronger overall relationship between ethnic and national identification was observed in countries with a low level of human development. The greatest minority-majority differences in the relationship between ethnic identification and national attitudes were found in egalitarian countries with a strong welfare state tradition.

Régulation de la religion par l'Etat. Nouvelles perspectives

Analyser les modalités de la régulation de la religion constitue une étape importante pour expliquer la recomposition de la religion en modernité tardive. Face aux interprétations dérivées des concepts d'individualisation ou de privatisation, l'affirmation peut apparaître provocante, puisqu'elle met en question l'idée d'autonomie du sujet croyant et la pertinence de l'utilisation sociologique du terme privé. Le traitement de cette problématique est particulièrement adéquat pour évaluer le rôle de l'État. Même si ce dernier n'est qu'un des agents de régulation à côté des médias, des organisations religieuses..., il contribue de façon souveraine au filtrage de la religion « acceptable ». Son mode de gestion varie d'un pays à l'autre, allant du pluralisme libéral au pluralisme technocratique. L'élaboration d'une typologie de ces modes de gestion s'avère donc indispensable. Sa vérification peut s'opérer au travers de l'étude comparative de la place faite à la religion dans les programmes scolaires. Elle éclaire en particulier le caractère pluraliste des États démocratiques et leur capacité à articuler valeurs économiques et valeurs humanistes. An analysis of the ways in which religion is regulated constitutes an important step in understanding the reconstructions of religion in late modernity. Such a stance can appear provocative, especially if contrasted with explanations that derive from concepts such as individualisation or privatisation, since it puts into question both the autonomy of the individual believer and the aptness of the term "private" in sociological understanding. These issues are particularly relevant when it comes to evaluating the role of the state. It is true that the latter is but one source of control, alongside the media, or religious organisations...; its influence is, however, dominant when it comes to deciding which forms of religion are, or are not, "acceptable". The methods vary from one country to another, ranging from liberal pluralism to technocratic pluralism. Hence the need to elaborate a typology, illustrating the different ways of working. It can be tested by comparing the place given to religion in different school systems. Above all such an approach reveals the pluralist character of the democratic state and its capacity to articulate both economic and humanistic values.

Policy Diffusion: An Agent-Based Approach

Methods like Event History Analysis can show the existence of diffusion and part of its nature, but do not study the process itself. Nowadays, thanks to the increasing performance of computers, processes can be studied using computational modeling. This thesis presents an agent-based model of policy diffusion mainly inspired from the model developed by Braun and Gilardi (2006). I first start by developing a theoretical framework of policy diffusion that presents the main internal drivers of policy diffusion - such as the preference for the policy, the effectiveness of the policy, the institutional constraints, and the ideology - and its main mechanisms, namely learning, competition, emulation, and coercion. Therefore diffusion, expressed by these interdependencies, is a complex process that needs to be studied with computational agent-based modeling. In a second step, computational agent-based modeling is defined along with its most significant concepts: complexity and emergence. Using computational agent-based modeling implies the development of an algorithm and its programming. When this latter has been developed, we let the different agents interact. Consequently, a phenomenon of diffusion, derived from learning, emerges, meaning that the choice made by an agent is conditional to that made by its neighbors. As a result, learning follows an inverted S-curve, which leads to partial convergence - global divergence and local convergence - that triggers the emergence of political clusters; i.e. the creation of regions with the same policy. Furthermore, the average effectiveness in this computational world tends to follow a J-shaped curve, meaning that not only time is needed for a policy to deploy its effects, but that it also takes time for a country to find the best-suited policy. To conclude, diffusion is an emergent phenomenon from complex interactions and its outcomes as ensued from my model are in line with the theoretical expectations and the empirical evidence.Les méthodes d'analyse de biographie (event history analysis) permettent de mettre en évidence l'existence de phénomènes de diffusion et de les décrire, mais ne permettent pas d'en étudier le processus. Les simulations informatiques, grâce aux performances croissantes des ordinateurs, rendent possible l'étude des processus en tant que tels. Cette thèse, basée sur le modèle théorique développé par Braun et Gilardi (2006), présente une simulation centrée sur les agents des phénomènes de diffusion des politiques. Le point de départ de ce travail met en lumière, au niveau théorique, les principaux facteurs de changement internes à un pays : la préférence pour une politique donnée, l'efficacité de cette dernière, les contraintes institutionnelles, l'idéologie, et les principaux mécanismes de diffusion que sont l'apprentissage, la compétition, l'émulation et la coercition. La diffusion, définie par l'interdépendance des différents acteurs, est un système complexe dont l'étude est rendue possible par les simulations centrées sur les agents. Au niveau méthodologique, nous présenterons également les principaux concepts sous-jacents aux simulations, notamment la complexité et l'émergence. De plus, l'utilisation de simulations informatiques implique le développement d'un algorithme et sa programmation. Cette dernière réalisée, les agents peuvent interagir, avec comme résultat l'émergence d'un phénomène de diffusion, dérivé de l'apprentissage, où le choix d'un agent dépend en grande partie de ceux faits par ses voisins. De plus, ce phénomène suit une courbe en S caractéristique, poussant à la création de régions politiquement identiques, mais divergentes au niveau globale. Enfin, l'efficacité moyenne, dans ce monde simulé, suit une courbe en J, ce qui signifie qu'il faut du temps, non seulement pour que la politique montre ses effets, mais également pour qu'un pays introduise la politique la plus efficace. En conclusion, la diffusion est un phénomène émergent résultant d'interactions complexes dont les résultats du processus tel que développé dans ce modèle correspondent tant aux attentes théoriques qu'aux résultats pratiques.

Spiritual Kinship, Political Mobilization and Social Cooperation: a Swiss Alpine valley in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

In this chapter I will present some observations and results about Ritual Kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an Alpine valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais, - a mountain valley, well known today thanks to the tourist station of Verbier - where we can rely on excellent sources about local families. This region presents a particular political situation, because the 11 major villages of the valley form only one commune, which includes the whole valley.¦There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry on kinship and social networks in a rural society:¦A. The existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th centuries;¦B. The existence of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. (Casanova, Gard, Perrenoud 2005-08)¦The 18th century was characterized by the struggle of an important part of the community of Bagnes against the feudal lord, the abbot of St-Maurice. The culminating point was a local upheaval in 1745 in Le Châble, during which the abbot was forced to sign several documents in accordance with the wishes of the rebels (Guzzi-Heeb 2007). In the 19th century feudal lordship was abolished, but now the struggle confronted a liberal-radical faction and the conservative majority in the commune.¦The starting point of my presentation focuses on this question: which role did spiritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some utilizations and meanings of spiritual kinship in the local society. Was spiritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for privileged social contacts and transactions?

Militarism and Melodrama: The Cultural Work of Combat Death

This essay examines the role of melodrama in the American war film, focusing on three post-WWII examples. The main argument centers on the natural alliance between melodrama and militarism based on a shared intolerance for the notion of death as meaningless and in vain. Both melodrama and military ideology employ elaborate rhetorical and narrative strategies to enfold deaths into larger systems of meaning, such as the nation, or in more personal terms, as a rite of passage. One of the most common narrative devices present in the military melodrama is the death that converts survivors to the values of the virtuous victim. The essay examines the shared conventions and different strategies of the following three films: Sands of Iwo Jima (1949), Platoon (1986), and Top Gun (1986).

Infliximab for Crohn's disease in the Swiss IBD Cohort Study: clinical management and appropriateness.

OBJECTIVE: Antitumor necrosis factor a agents have significantly improved the management of Crohn's disease (CD), but not all patients benefit from this therapy. We used data from the Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study and predefined appropriateness criteria to examine the appropriateness of use of infliximab (IFX) in CD patients. METHODS: EPACT II (European Panel on the Appropriateness of CD Therapy, 2007; www.epact.ch) appropriateness criteria have been developed using a formal explicit panel process combining evidence from the published literature and expert opinion. Questionnaires relating to EPACT II criteria were used at enrollment and follow-up of all Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study patients. A step-by-step analysis of all possible indications for IFX therapy in a given patient allowed identification of the most appropriate indication and final classification in a single appropriateness category (appropriate, uncertain, inappropriate). RESULTS: Eight hundred and twenty-one CD patients were prospectively enrolled between November 2006 and March 2009. IFX was administered to 146 patients (18%) at enrollment and was most frequently used for complex fistulizing disease and for the maintenance of remission induced by biological therapy. IFX therapy was considered appropriate in 44%, uncertain in 44%, and inappropriate in 10% of patients. CONCLUSION: In this cohort, 9 out of 10 indications for IFX therapy were clinically generally acceptable (appropriate or uncertain) according to EPACT II criteria. Uncertain indications resulted mainly from the current more liberal use of IFX in clinical practice as compared with the EPACT II criteria.

State-Society Relationships, Social Trust and the Development of Labour Market Policies in Italy and Sweden

The first decade of the twenty-first century may be remembered for the rebirth of consensus on labour market policy. After three decades of bitter political and ideological controversy between a neo-liberal and a traditional social democratic approach, a new model, often labelled flexicurity, has emerged. This model is promoted by numerous political organisations since it promises to put an end to the old trade-off between equality and efficiency. Several countries are embracing the flexicurity model as a blueprint for labour market reform, but others, mostly belonging to the 'Mediterranean Rim', are clearly lagging behind. Why is it so difficult for these countries to implement the flexicurity model? This paper argues that the application of a flexicurity strategy in these countries is complicated by the lack of social trust between social partners and the state as well as political economy traditions that highlight the role of labour market regulation as a source of social protection.

Enjeux éthiques des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction : une conception de la justice à l'interface de l'éthique du "care" et de l'approche des "capabilités"

L'émergence des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction (NTR) est allée de pair avec un certain nombre de discours. Un discours promettant d'une part une extension de la palette de choix reproductifs des individus, une extension de leur liberté et de leur autonomie reproductives, dont la forme la plus extrême peut se traduire par la formule : un enfant quand je veux et comme je veux. D'autre part, un discours annonçant une série de « catastrophes » à venir, telles que l'effondrement de l'institution de la famille et la modification de l'espèce humaine. En d'autres termes, une tension entre promesses et catastrophes qui place les sociétés contemporaines face à de nombreux défis sociaux, politiques et éthiques, notamment quant à la question de la régulation de la PMA (procréation médicalement assistée) : qui peut y avoir accès ? Quelles techniques doit-on autoriser ? Ou au contraire limiter ? Tant de questions auxquelles aucune réponse simple et évidente n'existe. La diversité des réponses législatives quant à ces questions illustre cette complexité. L'éthique peut, ici, jouer un rôle fondamental. Sans toutefois prétendre donner des réponses toutes faites et facilement applicables, elle offre un espace de réflexion, le privilège de prendre une certaine distance face à des enjeux contemporains. C'est dans cette perspective que nous avons ancré ce travail de recherche en questionnant les enjeux éthiques de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de justice. Toutefois, au sein des études en bioéthique, majoritairement issues de la tradition libérale, la tension énoncée précédemment mène la bioéthique à justifier un certain nombre d'inégalités plutôt que de veiller à les dépasser. Ainsi, une évaluation de la pratique de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de la justice, exige, au préalable, une réévaluation du concept même de justice. Ce faisant, par une articulation entre l'éthique du care de Joan Tronto et l'approche des capabilités de Martha Nussbaum qui placent la vulnérabilité au coeur de la personne, nous avons proposé une conception de la justice fondée sur une anthropologie de la vulnérabilité. Cette conception nous permet d'identifier, dans le cadre de la pratique de la PMA en Suisse et en partant de la loi sur la procréation assistée (LPMA), les constructions normatives qui mènent à la non-reconnaissance et, ce faisant, à la mise à l'écart, de certaines formes de vulnérabilité : une vulnérabilité générique et une vulnérabilité socio-économique. Traitant la question de la vulnérabilité générique principalement, nos analyses ont une incidence sur les conceptions de la famille, du bien de l'enfant, de la femme et de la nature, telles qu'elles sont actuellement véhiculées par une conception naturalisée de la PMA. Répondre aux vulnérabilités identifiées, en veillant à leur donner une place, signifie alors déplacer ces conceptions naturalisées, afin que les vulnérabilités soient intégrées aux pratiques sociales et que les exigences de justice soient ainsi remplies. - The emergence of assisted reproductive technologies (ART) came along with several discourses. On the one hand a discourse promising an extension of the individuals' reproductive choices, their procreative liberty and autonomy. On the other hand a discourse announced a series of disasters to come such as the collapse of the family institution and the modification of human kind. In other words, a growing tension appears between promises and disasters and contemporary societies are facing inevitable social, political and ethical challenges, in particular with regard to the issue of ART regulation: who has access? What procedures should be authorized? Which ones should be limited? These complex questions have no simple or obvious answers. The variety of legislative responses to these questions highlights complexity. Ethics can play a fundamental role, and without claiming to give simple answers, also offer a space for reflection as well as the privilege to distance itself with regard to contemporary issues. It is in this perspective that this study questions the ethical considerations of ART in a perspective of justice. However, in previous studies in bioethics mainly following a liberal tradition, previously mentioned tension has lead bioethics to justify some inequalities instead of trying to overcome them. As a consequence, evaluating practices of ART from a perspective of justice requires to first reevaluate the concept of justice itself. In doing so we offer a conception of justice founded on the anthropology of vulnerability. This conception draws on an articulation of the ethic of care of Joan Tronto and the capability approach of Martha Nussbaum, which places vulnerability at the center of the person. This conception allows us to identify, within the framework of ARTS in Switzerland and starting with the laws of medically assisted procreation (LPMA), some normative constructions. These constructions lead to the non-recognition and the disregard of some forms of vulnerability: a generic vulnerability as well as socio-economic counterpart. Focusing mainly on the issue of generic vulnerability, our analysis has implications for the conceptions of family, the best interests of the child, woman, and nature in the way they are defined in a naturalized conception of ART. Responding to such failures by taking into account these vulnerabilities thus means to move these conceptions in order for vulnerabilities to be integrated in social practices and requirements for justice to be fulfilled.

Prenatal ultrasonographic detection of gastrointestinal obstruction: results from 18 European congenital anomaly registries.

OBJECTIVES: We evaluated the prenatal detection of gastrointestinal obstruction (GIO, including atresia, stenosis, absence or fistula) by routine ultrasonographic examination in an unselected population all over Europe. METHODS: Data from 18 congenital malformation registries in 11 European countries were analysed. These multisource registries used the same methodology. All fetuses/neonates with GIO confirmed within 1 week after birth who had prenatal sonography and were born during the study period (1 July 1996 to 31 December 1998) were included. RESULTS: There were 670 793 births in the area covered and 349 fetuses/neonates had GIO. The prenatal detection rate of GIO was 34%; of these 40% were detected < or = 24 weeks of gestation (WG). A total of 31% (60/192) of the isolated GIO were detected prenatally, as were 38% (59/157) of the associated GIO (p=0.26). The detection rate was 25% for esophageal obstruction (31/122), 52% for duodenal obstruction (33/64), 40% for small intestine obstruction (27/68) and 29% for large intestine obstruction (28/95) (p=0.002). The detection rate was higher in countries with a policy of routine obstetric ultrasound. Fifteen percent of pregnancies were terminated (51/349). Eleven of these had chromosomal anomalies, 31 multiple malformations, eight non-chromosomal recognized syndromes, and one isolated GIO. The participating registries reflect the various national policies for termination of pregnancy (TOP), but TOPs after 24 WG (11/51) do not appear to be performed more frequently in countries with a liberal TOP policy. CONCLUSION: This European study shows that the detection rate of GIO depends on the screening policy and on the sonographic detectability of GIO subgroups.

Migrating concepts: Immigrant integration and the regulation of religious dress in France and Canada

Religion in general, and Islam in particular, has become one of the main focal points of policy-making and constitutional politics in many Western liberal states. This article proposes to examine the legal and political dynamics behind new regulations targeting individual religious practices of Muslims. Although one could presuppose that church-state relations or the understanding of secularism is the main factor accounting for either accommodation or prohibition of Muslim religious practices, I make the case that the policy frame used to conceptualize the integration of immigrants in each national context is a more significant influence on how a liberal state approaches the legal regulation of individual practices such as veiling. However, this influence must be assessed carefully since it may have different effects on the different institutional actors in charge of regulating religion, such as the Courts and the legislature. To assess these hypotheses I compare two countries, France and Canada, which are solid examples of two contrasting national policy frames for the integration of immigrants.

Why Would the Deuteronomists Tell about the Sacrifice of Jephtah's Daughter?

It is commonly assumed that the story of Jephthah's vow refers to an 'old tradition' that was integrated into the Deuteronomistic History. But such a view is contrary to Dtr ideology which is absolutely hostile to any human sacrifice (2 Kgs 16.3; 17.17, 31; 21.6 etc.). A literary-critical approach to Judges 11 shows that vv. 30-31 [32] and 34-40 may be considered as post-Dtr. The author of Judg. 11.30-40 seems to know the story of the Aqedah, but he is not willing to make a happy ending. There is a tragic dimension in the story and quite an Hellenistic atmosphere (the best parallels to Judg. 11.30-40 may be fou Hellenistic nd in texts). So this text should be considered an insertion from the end of the Persian or beginning of the Hellenistic periods. The author tends to show that Jewish classics can be as tragic as Greek ones.

Transformations et influences dans «l'historiographie» juive de la fin du VIIe s. av. notre ère jusqu'à l'époque perse

The origins of biblical historiography may be dated to the end of the VIIth c. and linked to those of the deuteronomic school itself. In order to justify Josiah's politics, his scribes elaborated a collection of texts (Deut, Josh, Kings, a vita Mosis in Gen-Nb) which were widely inspired by Assyrian ideology. During the Babylonian exile, this literature underwent a transformation: the new created « Deuteronomistic History, (Deut-2 Kings) converted propaganda into theodicee. The Deuteronomists were still at work in the Persian period as can be seen in numerous texts in Deut-2 Kings, as well as in the edition of the prophetic corpus. From now on, dtr ideology was centered on three points: the restauration by law, the end of prophecy and the need to separate Israel from the « others » (cf. EsdNeh). But the Persian period was also the, time of compromise. The Pentateuch was made by putting together dtr and priestly ideologies, « autochtonous » and « exodic » views about the origins of Israel.