16

The chapter provides an account of the changing role played by active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Europe since the post-war years. Focusing on six countries (Sweden, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom), it shows that the role of ALMPs is related to the broad economic situation. At times of rapid expansion and labour shortage, like the 1950s and 1960s, their key objective was to upskill the workforce. After the oil shocks of the 1970s, the raison d'être of ALMPs shifted from economic to social policy, and since the mid-1990s, we see the development of a new function, well captured by the notion of activation, which refers to the strengthening of work incentives and the removal of obstacles to employment, mostly for low-skilled people. The adequacy between economic context and policy is not always optimal, though. Like other ones, this policy domain suffers from inertia, with the result that the countries that have led the way in one period have more difficulty adapting to the economic conditions prevailing in the following one.

Continuity and change in the gender segregation of the medical profession in Britain and France

It is a well established fact that the entry of women into higher-level professional occupations has not resulted in their equal distribution within these occupations. Indeed, the emergence and persistence of horizontal and vertical gender segregation within the professions has been at the heart of the development of a range of alternative theoretical perspectives on both the "feminisation process" and the future of the "professions"more generally. Through an in-depth comparative analysis of the recent changes in the organisation and administration of the medical profession in Britain and France, this paper draws upon statistical data and biographical interviews with male and female general practitioners (GPs) in both countries in order to discuss and review a variety of approaches that have been adopted to explain and analyse the "eminisation" process of higher-level professions. Our conclusions review the theoretical debates in the light of the evidence we have presented. It is argued that, despite important elements of continuity in respect of gendered occupational structuring in both countries, national variations in both professional and domestic gendered architectures lead to different outcomes as far as the extent and patterns of internal occupational segregation are concerned. Both female and male doctors are currently seeking - with some effect - to resist thepressures of medicine on family life.

Une européanisation des politiques de conciliation de la vie familiale et professionnelle? : les cas de l'Italie et de la France

Les différents pays membres de l'UE connaissent des politiques dites de « conciliation de la vie professionnelle et familiale » qui correspondent à un ensemble de dispositifs hétéroclites, plus ou moins complexes, mais rarement cohérents. Alliant des objectifs tels que la hausse de la natalité, la protection des mères et des enfants, l'égalité entre femmes et hommes, la lutte contre la pauvreté des enfants et des familles monoparentales et l'activation des femmes, ces politiques sont fortement ancrées dans des traditions nationales de politiques familiales, d'emploi et fiscales. Ces politiques portent en elles l'héritage et les tensions de l'histoire d'un pays. Au moment où un nouvel acteur international, l'Union européenne, intervient de manière de plus en plus explicite dans le débat et dans la définition de ces politiques, la présente étude tend à analyser l'influence exercées par les référentiels européens en matière de politiques de conciliation sur les discours et politiques nationales de l'Italie et de la France. A partir d'une analyse cognitive du processus d'européanisation, nous montrons que les référentiels développés au sein de l'UE, par leur caractère abstrait et flou, n'ont eu jusqu'ici qu'une faible influence sur les discours et politiques en Italie et en France. Croisant une perspective néo-institutionnaliste historique et discursive, notre recherche a été construite autour de deux axes de réflexion. Premièrement, il a été question d'analyser, d'une part, l'évolution du discours tenu par les différentes instances européennes (notamment de la Commission européenne, le Conseil européen et le Fonds Social européen) et, d'autre part, questionner comment un consensus a pu émerger entre des pays et des acteurs qui ont des traditions extrêmement différentes en matière de politique sociale, de politique familiale et de convention de genre. Deuxièmement, il a été question d'analyser si et comment un cadre de référence conçu au niveau communautaire a pu influencer les discours et politiques au niveau national. - The reconciliation of work and family life policies forms, in the EU's member States, a plurality of politics, more or less complex, but rarely coherent. Combining different objectives such as fertility increase, mothers and children protection, equality between men and women, fight against children and lone-parent families poverty and women activation, these policies are part of the national traditions of family, employment and tax policy and bear the heritage and the tensions of the country history. At a moment when a new global player, the European Union, interferes increasingly explicitly in the debate and the definition of reconciling work and family life policies, the question at the heart of this thesis was to define what kind of influence the référentiels of European discourses have on reconciliation policies since the late 1990s, in the Italian and French discourses and policies. Starting from a cognitive analysis of the Europeanization process, we show that the référentiels developed within the EU, by their abstract and vague nature, have had little influence in Italy and France. Crossing an historical and a discursive neo-institutionalist perspective, our research was based on two axes of reasoning. First, we have analysed, on the one hand, the evolution of various European institutions' discoursed (including the European Commission, the European Council and the European Social Fund) and, on the other hand, we have questioned how a consensus has emerged between countries and actors who have very different traditions in social policy, family policy and gender conventions. Secondly, we have observed if and how a framework developed at Community level, as a kind of ideal to strive for, has influenced discourses and policies at the national level.

11

Integration of social and employment policies has been a highly topical issue over past decades in Europe. Faced with the complex task of facilitating the return to employment of jobless people with multiple barriers to work, several countries have developed integrated structures for delivering labour market and social support.'One stop-shops','integrated jobcenters' and 'interagency collaboration'are some of the tools that are being developed in this context (Askim et al, 2011).

Welfare regimes and change in the employment structure: Britain, Denmark and Germany since 1990

Welfare states are often reduced to their role as providers of social protection and redistribution. In 1990, Esping-Andersen argued that they also affect employment creation and the class structure. We analyse the stratification outcomes for three welfare regimes - Britain, Germany and Denmark - over the 1990s and 2000s. Based on individual-level surveys, we observe a disproportionate increase among professionals and managers, and a decline among production workers and clerks. The result is clear-cut occupational upgrading in Denmark and Germany. In Britain, high and low-end service jobs expanded, resulting in a polarized version of upgrading. Growth in low-end service jobs - and thus polarization - is no precondition for full employment. Both Britain and Denmark halved their low-educated unemployment rate between 1995 and 2008. Yet low-end service jobs expanded only in Britain, not in Denmark. The cause is the evolution of labour supply: rising educational attainment means that fewer low-educated workers look for low-skilled jobs.

Alleviating Working Poverty in Postindustrial Economies

In order to identify the main social policy tools that can efficiently combat working poverty, it is essential to identify its main driving factors. More importantly, this work shows that all poverty factors identified in the literature have a direct bearing on working households through three mechanisms, namely being badly paid, having a below-average workforce participation, and high needs. One of the main purposes of this work is to assess whether the policies put forward in the specialist literature as potentially efficient really work. This is done in two ways. A first empirical prong provides an evaluation of the employment and antipoverty effects of these instruments, based on a meta-analysis of four instruments: minimum wages, tax credits for working households, family cash benefits and childcare policies. The second prong relies on a broader framework based on welfare regimes. This work contributes to the identification of a typology of welfare regimes that is suitable for the analysis of working poverty, and four countries are chosen to exemplify each regime: the US, Sweden, Germany, and Spain. It then moves on to show that the weight of the three working poverty mechanisms varies widely from one welfare regime to the other. This second empirical contribution clearly shows that there is no "one-size-fits-all" approach to the fight against working poverty. But none of this is possible without having properly defined the phenomenon. Most of the literature is characterized by a "definitional chaos" that probably does more harm than good to social policy efforts. Hence, this book provides a conceptual reflection pleading for the use of a very encompassing definition of being in work. It shows that "the working poor" is too broad a category to be used for meaningful academic or policy discussion, and that a distinction must be operated between different categories of the working poor. Failing to acknowledge this prevents the design of an efficient policy mix.

Du retraité méritant au senior actif : genèse et transformations de la figure sociale de la vieillesse en Suisse

«Crise de l'assurance-vieillesse », «déséquilibre démographique», «vieillissement de la population », « faillite des systèmes de retraite », voilà des expressions qui occupent une place prépondérante dans tes discours portant sur l'avenir de la sécurité sociale aujourd'hui. Les autorités politiques suisses comme européennes font part de leur inquiétude face à la situation d'urgence que présenteraient les « sociétés vieillissantes ». En effet, alors que F assurance-vieillesse s'adressait initialement à une catégorie résiduelle de personnes qui parvenait à vivre plusieurs années au-delà de 65 ans, elle couvre maintenant près d'un cinquième de la population globale. Partant, les autorités fédérales appellent à une restriction des conditions d'accès à la rente de vieillesse. À première vue, les débats qui portent sur cette question dans l'arène politique relèvent de considérations essentiellement techniques liées aux conditions économiques de perpétuation de l'assurances-vieillesse. Il s'agit de modifier les règles d'accès à l'assurance ainsi que le montant des prestations afin d'assainir les caisses tout en faisant face à l'augmentation du nombre de retraités. Ce travail de thèse aborde cette question par une autre approche. Nous partons du postulat que les débats portant sur l'avenir de la politique de la vieillesse sont révélateurs d'une lutte entre acteurs du champ de régulation sociale qui participent d'un travail d'élaboration d'une pensée d'Etat, au sens de P Bourdieu. Cette lutte a pour objet l'imposition de catégories de pensées, soit la définition de ce qu'est un âgé aujourd'hui et de ce qu'il est moralement acceptable d'attendre de lui Nous montrons que cette question peut être comprise à l'aune de l'histoire du traitement social de la vieillesse dont nous relatons ici la genèse et les transformations. Nous soulignons également combien cette pensée d'Etat marque la manière dont les retraités aujourd'hui cherchent à se valoriser face à la déstabilisation de leur statut social. Summary "Crisis of social insurance for older people", "demographic imbalance", "aging of the population", "bankruptcy of pensions systems" ; these are some of the many expressions that today play a importance part in discussion about the future of social security. The Swiss and European political authorities show they are concerned about the crisis that "aging societies" are said to be facing. Indeed, while social insurance for old age used to concern a residual category of people who managet! to live to more than 65 years old, it now covers about a fifth of the global population. Hence, the Federal authorities are calling for a tightening of the conditions for access to retirement benefits. At first glance, the debates in the political arena »elated to (his question mainly deal with technical considerations linked to the economic conditions for the perpetuation of the insurance for old age. Ease of access and the level of the benefits have to be reduced in order to balance the funds, in the face of the rise of the number beneficiaries. This thesis study addresses this question through a different approach. We start from the proposition that debates concerning the future of social policy for old age reveal a struggle between those involved in (he field of social regulation ; this struggle is part of the development of the thought of the State as conceived by P. Bourdieu. The aim of this fight is to impose normative categories of thought, that is to say in relation to our subject, the definition of what an older person is today and what is morally acceptable to expect of him or her. We show that this question can be understood in the light of the the history of the social treatment of old age that we report here. Moreover, we show that this thought of the State explains the way retired people seek to value themselves and confront the destabilisation of their social status.

Availability, Cost or Culture ? : Obstacles to Childcare Services for Low-Income Families

Recent research has highlighted the existence of a social bias in the extent to which children have access to childcare. In general, children living in higher income households are more likely to be cared for in childcare centres. While the existence of a social bias in access to childcare services has been clearly demonstrated, we currently lack a clear explanation as to why this is the case. This paper uses a unique dataset based on survey data collected specifically to study patterns of childcare use in the Swiss canton of Vaud (N = 875). The paper exploits the variation in the way childcare is organised within the canton. Childcare is a municipal policy, as a result of which there are twenty-nine different systems in operation. Fees are progressive everywhere, but variation is substantial. Availability is also very different. This peculiar institutional setup provides an ideal situation to examine the determinants of childcare use by different income groups. Our findings suggest that differences in the fees charged to low-income households, as well as the degree of progressivity of the fee structure, are significant predictors of use, while availability seems to matter less.

Late careers and the transition to retirement in Switzerland

A substantial body of life-course research has considered occupational trajectories in Switzerland focusing either on early or middle adulthood careers. However, the issue of the last working period and the retirement transition is receiving increasing attention for several reasons: the permanence of low birth rates associated with an ageing population, a high proportion of active old workers, continuous changes in the timing of retirements, and active ageing policies aiming at keeping people working after the state pension age. Moving forward on this topic, the present doctoral thesis aimed to offer new insights on the dynamics of the final career phase and the transition to retirement in Switzerland through a life-course approach. Concerning the main results, this thesis provides consistent evidences on the great influence of longterm familial and employment trajectories as well as individual positional factors on (i) the vulnerability during the last working period, (ii) the timing of retirement, (iii) the voluntariness of late retirement, and (iv) the financial well-being of retirees. In this way, this thesis offers significant contributions to the life-course, gender, and social policy research focused on ageing processes. -- Un ensemble considérable de recherches sur les parcours de vie a examiné les trajectoires professionnelles en Suisse, en mettant l'accent sur la carrière professionnelle des jeunes et, plus tard, à l'âge adulte. Toutefois, l'étude de la fin de la carrière professionnelle (c'est-à-dire de 50 ans jusqu'à la retraite) reçoit une attention croissante pour plusieurs raisons: la persistance du faible taux de natalité associé à une population vieillissante, la forte proportion de travailleurs âgés actifs, des évolutions continues dans le moment du départ à la retraite, et des politiques visant à maintenir les personnes âgées au travail après l'âge légal de la retraite. Pour aller de l'avant sur ce sujet, la présente thèse de doctorat vise à offrir de nouvelles perspectives sur la fin de carrière et la transition à la retraite en Suisse, en mobilisant les outils de la sociologie des parcours de vie. En ce qui concerne les principaux résultats, cette thèse fournit des preuves cohérentes sur la grande influence des trajectoires professionnelles et familiales ainsi que des facteurs positionnels sur (i) la vulnérabilité au cours de la période de travail avant la retraite, (ii) le moment de départ à la retraite, (iii) le caractère volontaire de la retraite tardive, et (iv) le bien-être financier des retraités. Ainsi, cette thèse fournit d'importantes contributions à la recherche sur les parcours de vie, sur les étu es genre, et sur les politiques sociales, focalisées sur le processus de vieillissement.

The international standardisation arena and the civil society participation stakes : results of the INTERTERM project

International standards are playing an increasingly important role in market governance while frequently exerting direct effects on health, safety and the environment. Yet civil society, more often than not, is absent from the standardisation procedures. The recommendation made here is to foster the participation of civil society actors in standardisation by framing standardisation topics in a way that will encourage the mobilisation of these actors in accordance with their repertoire of actions and interests and by organising the plural expertise required for the effective participation that is necessary if they are to exert an influence.

Les arènes de la normalisation internationale à l'épreuve de la participation de la société civile : résultats du projet INTERNORM

Les normes internationales occupent une place de plus en plus importante dans la gouvernance des marchés et ont souvent une incidence directe sur la santé, la sécurité et l'environnement. Mais la société civile est le plus souvent absente des procédures de normalisation. Il est recommandé de favoriser la participation des acteurs de la société civile dans la normalisation par une mise en forme des travaux de normalisation à même d'encourager leur mobilisation selon les thèmes et enjeux abordés et par l'organisation de l'expertise plurielle requise pour une participation effective à même de leur conférer une certaine influence.