But Marriage itself is no Party : Angela Carter's Translation of Charles Perrault's La Belle au bois dormant.

AbstractThis article demonstrates the importance of Angela Carter's translations of Charles Perrault's contes into English and argues for their profound influence on her subsequent literary career. Against feminist critics who rejected fairy tales as conservative and informed by patriarchal structures and values, Carter reclaimed Perrault for feminism by recovering the critical edge and emancipating potential of his Histoires ou contes du temps passé, Avec des Moralités. This essay shows, through a comparative reading of "La Belle au bois dormant" and "The Sleeping Beauty in the Wood," that Carter opposed the worldly "politics of experience" that she found in Perrault to the Disneyfied imagery of the Sleeping Beauty myth and modernized the critique of early marriages already contained in Perrault's Moralités. The subversive power of Carter's work, therefore, is not directed against Perrault but rather toward cultural and commercial appropriations of the fairy tale, which promote a naïve view of marriage.Recommended CitationHennard Dutheil de la Rochère, Martine. ""But marriage itself is no party": Angela Carter's Translation of Charles Perrault's "La Belle au bois dormant"; or, Pitting the Politics of Experience against the Sleeping Beauty Myth." Marvels & Tales 24.1 (2010).

The Limits of Issue Ownership Dynamics : The Constraining Effect of Party Preference

Issue ownership theory argues that when a voter considers a party to be the most competent amongst others to deal with an issue (that is, the party "owns" the issue), chances are the voter will vote for that party. Recent work has shown that perceptions of issue ownership are dynamic: they are affected by the media coverage of party messages. However, based on the broad literature on partisan bias, we predict that parties' efforts to change issue ownership perceptions will have a difficult time breaching the perceptual screen created by a voter's party preference. Using two separate experiments with a similar design we show that the effect of partisan issue messages on issue competence is moderated by party preference. The effect of issue messages is reinforced when people already like a party, and blocked when people dislike a party.

Measuring Party Positions and Issue Salience from Media Coverage: Introducing and Cross-Validating New Indicators

Recent studies have started to use media data to measure party positions and issue salience. The aim of this article is to compare and cross-validate this alternative approach with the more commonly used party manifestos, expert judgments and mass surveys. To this purpose, we present two methods to generate indicators of party positions and issue salience from media coverage: the core sentence approach and political claims analysis. Our cross-validation shows that with regard to party positions, indicators derived from the media converge with traditionally used measurements from party manifestos, mass surveys and expert judgments, but that salience indicators measure different underlying constructs. We conclude with a discussion of specific research questions for which media data offer potential advantages over more established methods.

Superiority of the Triple Combination of Bortezomib-Thalidomide-Dexamethasone Over the Dual Combination of Thalidomide-Dexamethasone in Patients With Multiple Myeloma Progressing or Relapsing After Autologous Transplantation: The MMVAR/IFM 2005-04 Randomized Phase III Trial From the Chronic Leukemia Working Party of the European Group for Blood and Marrow Transplantation.

PURPOSE This prospective multicenter phase III study compared the efficacy and safety of a triple combination (bortezomib-thalidomide-dexamethasone [VTD]) versus a dual combination (thalidomide-dexamethasone [TD]) in patients with multiple myeloma (MM) progressing or relapsing after autologous stem-cell transplantation (ASCT). PATIENTS AND METHODS Overall, 269 patients were randomly assigned to receive bortezomib (1.3 mg/m(2) intravenous bolus) or no bortezomib for 1 year, in combination with thalidomide (200 mg per day orally) and dexamethasone (40 mg orally once a day on 4 days once every 3 weeks). Bortezomib was administered on days 1, 4, 8, and 11 with a 10-day rest period (day 12 to day 21) for eight cycles (6 months), and then on days 1, 8, 15, and 22 with a 20-day rest period (day 23 to day 42) for four cycles (6 months). Results Median time to progression (primary end point) was significantly longer with VTD than TD (19.5 v 13.8 months; hazard ratio, 0.59; 95% CI, 0.44 to 0.80; P = .001), the complete response plus near-complete response rate was higher (45% v 25%; P = .001), and the median duration of response was longer (17.2 v 13.4 months; P = .03). The 24-month survival rate was in favor of VTD (71% v 65%; P = .093). Grade 3 peripheral neuropathy was more frequent with VTD (29% v 12%; P = .001) as were the rates of grades 3 and 4 infection and thrombocytopenia. CONCLUSION VTD was more effective than TD in the treatment of patients with MM with progressive or relapsing disease post-ASCT but was associated with a higher incidence of grade 3 neurotoxicity.

Reconceptualizing Chinese state-owned entreprise in Africa : double embeddedness and localization in Ghana

Challenging the view of asymmetrical power relations between China and Africa, this thesis questions the "Chinese comparative advantages" (monolithic state power and economic advantages) of Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in Africa. It argues that the power dynamics between Chinese and African actors are dialectical and pluralistic, with localized social capital representing the true Chinese competitive advantage in Africa. Based on ethnographical fieldwork conducted in Ghana, this thesis shows that Chinese SOEs pursue their globalization in a double context - that of the deliberate "retreat" of the Chinese state, and more importantly, that of Ghanaian governance and society (characterized by political party patronage, extraversion dynamics, and worker agency). The trajectories of Chinese expatriates' expatriation/ social promotion and their SOEs' globalization/ localization are mutually influenced and reinforced. By cultivating local relationships and knowledge, a provincial Chinese SOE in Ghana can outperform a large Chinese central SOE, even if the latter has more support from the Chinese state. Moreover, the recent effort to build a "socially acceptable Chinese community" in Ghana has renewed the power dynamics between the Chinese state and the SOEs. All these observations provide for constructing a new perspective of Chinese SOEs in Africa - a "second-class" Chinese globalization - the SOEs may begin with few privileges, but promotion over time is possible. -- A contre pied des approches postulant des relations de pouvoir asymétriques entre la Chine et l'Afrique, cette thèse interroge les « avantages comparatifs chinois » (pouvoir de l'État monolithique et avantages économiques) des entreprises publiques chinoises (EPC) en Afrique. Elle soutient l'idée selon laquelle les dynamiques de pouvoir entre les acteurs chinois et africains est dialectique et pluraliste, et le capital social localisé étant le véritable avantage compétitif chinois en Afrique. S'appuyant sur un travail de terrain ethnographique au Ghana, cette thèse montre que les EPC poursuivent leur mondialisation dans un double contexte - celui de la «retraite» délibérée de l'État chinois, et, de façon plus importante, celui de la gouvernance et de la société ghanéennes (caractérisées par un clientélisme des partis politiques, une dynamique d'extraversion et le pouvoir de négociation des travailleurs). Les trajectoires d'expatriation / de promotion sociale des expatriés chinois et la mondialisation / localisation de leurs EPC s'influencent et se renforcent mutuellement. En cultivant des relations et des connaissances locales, une EPC provinciale au Ghana peut surpasser une grande EPC centrale, même si cette dernière reçoit plus de soutien de l'État chinois. En outre, les efforts récents visant à construire une «communauté chinoise socialement acceptable» au Ghana ont renouvelé la dynamique du pouvoir entre l'État chinois et les EPC. Ces observations permettent de construire une nouvelle perspective des EPC en Afrique - la globalisation chinoise de « deuxième classe » - les EPC peuvent débuter avec peu de privilèges, mais leur promotion reste possible avec le temps.

How Party Linkages Shape Austerity Politics: Clientelism and Fiscal Adjustment in Greece and Portugal during the Eurozone Crisis

Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.