The role of actions in auditory object discrimination.

Action representations can interact with object recognition processes. For example, so-called mirror neurons respond both when performing an action and when seeing or hearing such actions. Investigations of auditory object processing have largely focused on categorical discrimination, which begins within the initial 100 ms post-stimulus onset and subsequently engages distinct cortical networks. Whether action representations themselves contribute to auditory object recognition and the precise kinds of actions recruiting the auditory-visual mirror neuron system remain poorly understood. We applied electrical neuroimaging analyses to auditory evoked potentials (AEPs) in response to sounds of man-made objects that were further subdivided between sounds conveying a socio-functional context and typically cuing a responsive action by the listener (e.g. a ringing telephone) and those that are not linked to such a context and do not typically elicit responsive actions (e.g. notes on a piano). This distinction was validated psychophysically by a separate cohort of listeners. Beginning approximately 300 ms, responses to such context-related sounds significantly differed from context-free sounds both in the strength and topography of the electric field. This latency is >200 ms subsequent to general categorical discrimination. Additionally, such topographic differences indicate that sounds of different action sub-types engage distinct configurations of intracranial generators. Statistical analysis of source estimations identified differential activity within premotor and inferior (pre)frontal regions (Brodmann's areas (BA) 6, BA8, and BA45/46/47) in response to sounds of actions typically cuing a responsive action. We discuss our results in terms of a spatio-temporal model of auditory object processing and the interplay between semantic and action representations.

Culture in infancy : an account of a way the object "sculpts" early development.

The
 aim
 of
 this
 paper
 is
 to
 bring
 into
 consideration
 a
 way
 of
 studying
 culture
 in
 infancy.
 An
 emphasis 
is 
put 
on
 the
 role 
that 
the 
material 
object 
plays 
in 
early 
interactive
 processes. 
Accounted
 as
 a
 cultural
 artefact,
 the
 object
 is
 seen
 as
 a
 fundamental
 element
 within
 triadic
 mother‐object‐ infant
 interactions
 and
 is
 believed
 to
 be
 a
 driving
 force
 both
 for
 communicative
 and
 cognitive
 development.
 In
 order
 to
 reconsider
 the
 importance
 of
 the
 object
 in
 child
 development
 and
 to
 present
 an 
approach
 of 
studying
object
 construction,
accounts 
in 
literature 
on 
early 
communication
 development
 and
 the
 importance
 of
 the
 object
 are
 reviewed
 and
 discussed
 under
 the
 light
 of
 the
 cultural 
specificity 
of 
the 
material 
object.


Multisensory context portends object memory.

Multisensory processes facilitate perception of currently-presented stimuli and can likewise enhance later object recognition. Memories for objects originally encountered in a multisensory context can be more robust than those for objects encountered in an exclusively visual or auditory context [1], upturning the assumption that memory performance is best when encoding and recognition contexts remain constant [2]. Here, we used event-related potentials (ERPs) to provide the first evidence for direct links between multisensory brain activity at one point in time and subsequent object discrimination abilities. Across two experiments we found that individuals showing a benefit and those impaired during later object discrimination could be predicted by their brain responses to multisensory stimuli upon their initial encounter. These effects were observed despite the multisensory information being meaningless, task-irrelevant, and presented only once. We provide critical insights into the advantages associated with multisensory interactions; they are not limited to the processing of current stimuli, but likewise encompass the ability to determine the benefit of one's memories for object recognition in later, unisensory contexts.

The role of auditory cortices in the retrieval of single-trial auditory-visual object memories.

Single-trial encounters with multisensory stimuli affect both memory performance and early-latency brain responses to visual stimuli. Whether and how auditory cortices support memory processes based on single-trial multisensory learning is unknown and may differ qualitatively and quantitatively from comparable processes within visual cortices due to purported differences in memory capacities across the senses. We recorded event-related potentials (ERPs) as healthy adults (n = 18) performed a continuous recognition task in the auditory modality, discriminating initial (new) from repeated (old) sounds of environmental objects. Initial presentations were either unisensory or multisensory; the latter entailed synchronous presentation of a semantically congruent or a meaningless image. Repeated presentations were exclusively auditory, thus differing only according to the context in which the sound was initially encountered. Discrimination abilities (indexed by d') were increased for repeated sounds that were initially encountered with a semantically congruent image versus sounds initially encountered with either a meaningless or no image. Analyses of ERPs within an electrical neuroimaging framework revealed that early stages of auditory processing of repeated sounds were affected by prior single-trial multisensory contexts. These effects followed from significantly reduced activity within a distributed network, including the right superior temporal cortex, suggesting an inverse relationship between brain activity and behavioural outcome on this task. The present findings demonstrate how auditory cortices contribute to long-term effects of multisensory experiences on auditory object discrimination. We propose a new framework for the efficacy of multisensory processes to impact both current multisensory stimulus processing and unisensory discrimination abilities later in time.

Single-trial multisensory memories affect later auditory and visual object discrimination.

Multisensory memory traces established via single-trial exposures can impact subsequent visual object recognition. This impact appears to depend on the meaningfulness of the initial multisensory pairing, implying that multisensory exposures establish distinct object representations that are accessible during later unisensory processing. Multisensory contexts may be particularly effective in influencing auditory discrimination, given the purportedly inferior recognition memory in this sensory modality. The possibility of this generalization and the equivalence of effects when memory discrimination was being performed in the visual vs. auditory modality were at the focus of this study. First, we demonstrate that visual object discrimination is affected by the context of prior multisensory encounters, replicating and extending previous findings by controlling for the probability of multisensory contexts during initial as well as repeated object presentations. Second, we provide the first evidence that single-trial multisensory memories impact subsequent auditory object discrimination. Auditory object discrimination was enhanced when initial presentations entailed semantically congruent multisensory pairs and was impaired after semantically incongruent multisensory encounters, compared to sounds that had been encountered only in a unisensory manner. Third, the impact of single-trial multisensory memories upon unisensory object discrimination was greater when the task was performed in the auditory vs. visual modality. Fourth, there was no evidence for correlation between effects of past multisensory experiences on visual and auditory processing, suggestive of largely independent object processing mechanisms between modalities. We discuss these findings in terms of the conceptual short term memory (CSTM) model and predictive coding. Our results suggest differential recruitment and modulation of conceptual memory networks according to the sensory task at hand.

Exploring the relative DNA contribution of first and second object's users on mock touch DNA mixtures

Contact stains recovered at break-in crime scenes are frequently characterized by mixtures of DNA from several persons. Broad knowledge on the relative contribution of DNA left behind by different users overtime is of paramount importance. Such information might help crime investigators to robustly evaluate the possibility of detecting a specific (or known) individual's DNA profile based on the type and history of an object. To address this issue, a contact stain simulation-based protocol was designed. Fourteen volunteers either acting as first or second object's users were recruited. The first user was required to regularly handle/wear 9 different items during an 8-10-day period, whilst the second user for 5, 30 and 120 min, in three independent simulation sessions producing a total of 231 stains. Subsequently, the relative DNA profile contribution of each individual pair was investigated. Preliminary results showed a progressive increase of the percentage contribution of the second user compared to the first. Interestingly, the second user generally became the major DNA contributor when most objects were handled/worn for 120 min, Furthermore, the observation of unexpected additional alleles will then prompt the investigation of indirect DNA transfer events.

Elaborated Literary Violence: Genre and Ideology of the Two Stories I Sam 22,6-23 and II Sam 21,1-14

The present article focuses on two stories dealing with acts of big blood shed. I Sam 22,6-23 relates the massacre of the priests of Nob; II Sam 21,1-14 is about the execution of seven descendents of Saul, as atonement for Saul's attempt to exterminate the Gibeonites. Most researchers consider both stories or at least certain parts of them old.1 For both stories few verses are regarded as secondary. In this paper I try to reassess the analysis of these stories and will point to indices favoring a late date of origin for both of them. They concern the language in use, intertextual connections and particular motifs. A further indication consists in the fact that the reported events of the stories lack significant resonance in the corpus of the Hebrew Bible. There are only two texts, I Sam 2,33 and Ps 52,2, which allude or refer to I Sam 22,6-23.With regard to the importance of the related events and acts this silence in the Biblical context is astonishing. Interestingly, also in the Book of Chronicles one does not find any allusions to these stories. This raises the question whether the latter were composed after the formation of the book of Chronicles.

Most and Least Preferred Colours Differ According to Object Context : New Insights from an Unrestricted Colour Range

Humans like some colours and dislike others, but which particular colours and why remains to be understood. Empirical studies on colour preferences generally targeted most preferred colours, but rarely least preferred (disliked) colours. In addition, findings are often based on general colour preferences leaving open the question whether results generalise to specific objects. Here, 88 participants selected the colours they preferred most and least for three context conditions (general, interior walls, t-shirt) using a high-precision colour picker. Participants also indicated whether they associated their colour choice to a valenced object or concept. The chosen colours varied widely between individuals and contexts and so did the reasons for their choices. Consistent patterns also emerged, as most preferred colours in general were more chromatic, while for walls they were lighter and for t-shirts they were darker and less chromatic compared to least preferred colours. This meant that general colour preferences could not explain object specific colour preferences. Measures of the selection process further revealed that, compared to most preferred colours, least preferred colours were chosen more quickly and were less often linked to valenced objects or concepts. The high intra- and inter-individual variability in this and previous reports furthers our understanding that colour preferences are determined by subjective experiences and that most and least preferred colours are not processed equally.