The evolution of unicoloniality in ant societies : recognition, dispersal and population genetic structure

Introduction Societies of ants, bees, wasps and termites dominate many terrestrial ecosystems (Wilson 1971). Their evolutionary and ecological success is based upon the regulation of internal conflicts (e.g. Ratnieks et al. 2006), control of diseases (e.g. Schmid-Hempel 1998) and individual skills and collective intelligence in resource acquisition, nest building and defence (e.g. Camazine 2001). Individuals in social species can pass on their genes not only directly trough their own offspring, but also indirectly by favouring the reproduction of relatives. The inclusive fitness theory of Hamilton (1963; 1964) provides a powerful explanation for the evolution of reproductive altruism and cooperation in groups with related individuals. The same theory also led to the realization that insect societies are subject to internal conflicts over reproduction. Relatedness of less-than-one is not sufficient to eliminate all incentive for individual selfishness. This would indeed require a relatedness of one, as found among cells of an organism (Hardin 1968; Keller 1999). The challenge for evolutionary biology is to understand how groups can prevent or reduce the selfish exploitation of resources by group members, and how societies with low relatedness are maintained. In social insects the evolutionary shift from single- to multiple queens colonies modified the relatedness structure, the dispersal, and the mode of colony founding (e.g. (Crozier & Pamilo 1996). In ants, the most common, and presumably ancestral mode of reproduction is the emission of winged males and females, which found a new colony independently after mating and dispersal flights (Hölldobler & Wilson 1990). The alternative reproductive tactic for ant queens in multiple-queen colonies (polygyne) is to seek to be re-accepted in their natal colonies, where they may remain as additional reproductives or subsequently disperse on foot with part of the colony (budding) (Bourke & Franks 1995; Crozier & Pamilo 1996; Hölldobler & Wilson 1990). Such ant colonies can contain up to several hundred reproductive queens with an even more numerous workforce (Cherix 1980; Cherix 1983). As a consequence in polygynous ants the relatedness among nestmates is very low, and workers raise brood of queens to which they are only distantly related (Crozier & Pamilo 1996; Queller & Strassmann 1998). Therefore workers could increase their inclusive fitness by preferentially caring for their closest relatives and discriminate against less related or foreign individuals (Keller 1997; Queller & Strassmann 2002; Tarpy et al. 2004). However, the bulk of the evidence suggests that social insects do not behave nepotistically, probably because of the costs entailed by decreased colony efficiency or discrimination errors (Keller 1997). Recently, the consensus that nepotistic behaviour does not occur in insect colonies was challenged by a study in the ant Formica fusca (Hannonen & Sundström 2003b) showing that the reproductive share of queens more closely related to workers increases during brood development. However, this pattern can be explained either by nepotism with workers preferentially rearing the brood of more closely related queens or intrinsic differences in the viability of eggs laid by queens. In the first chapter, we designed an experiment to disentangle nepotism and differences in brood viability. We tested if workers prefer to rear their kin when given the choice between highly related and unrelated brood in the ant F. exsecta. We also looked for differences in egg viability among queens and simulated if such differences in egg viability may mistakenly lead to the conclusion that workers behave nepotistically. The acceptance of queens in polygnous ants raises the question whether the varying degree of relatedness affects their share in reproduction. In such colonies workers should favour nestmate queens over foreign queens. Numerous studies have investigated reproductive skew and partitioning of reproduction among queens (Bourke et al. 1997; Fournier et al. 2004; Fournier & Keller 2001; Hammond et al. 2006; Hannonen & Sundström 2003a; Heinze et al. 2001; Kümmerli & Keller 2007; Langer et al. 2004; Pamilo & Seppä 1994; Ross 1988; Ross 1993; Rüppell et al. 2002), yet almost no information is available on whether differences among queens in their relatedness to other colony members affects their share in reproduction. Such data are necessary to compare the relative reproductive success of dispersing and non-dispersing individuals. Moreover, information on whether there is a difference in reproductive success between resident and dispersing queens is also important for our understanding of the genetic structure of ant colonies and the dynamics of within group conflicts. In chapter two, we created single-queen colonies and then introduced a foreign queens originating from another colony kept under similar conditions in order to estimate the rate of queen acceptance into foreign established colonies, and to quantify the reproductive share of resident and introduced queens. An increasing number of studies have investigated the discrimination ability between ant workers (e.g. Holzer et al. 2006; Pedersen et al. 2006), but few have addressed the recognition and discrimination behaviour of workers towards reproductive individuals entering colonies (Bennett 1988; Brown et al. 2003; Evans 1996; Fortelius et al. 1993; Kikuchi et al. 2007; Rosengren & Pamilo 1986; Stuart et al. 1993; Sundström 1997; Vásquez & Silverman in press). These studies are important, because accepting new queens will generally have a large impact on colony kin structure and inclusive fitness of workers (Heinze & Keller 2000). In chapter three, we examined whether resident workers reject young foreign queens that enter into their nest. We introduced mated queens into their natal nest, a foreign-female producing nest, or a foreign male-producing nest and measured their survival. In addition, we also introduced young virgin and mated queens into their natal nest to examine whether the mating status of the queens influences their survival and acceptance by workers. On top of polgyny, some ant species have evolved an extraordinary social organization called 'unicoloniality' (Hölldobler & Wilson 1977; Pedersen et al. 2006). In unicolonial ants, intercolony borders are absent and workers and queens mix among the physically separated nests, such that nests form one large supercolony. Super-colonies can become very large, so that direct cooperative interactions are impossible between individuals of distant nests. Unicoloniality is an evolutionary paradox and a potential problem for kin selection theory because the mixing of queens and workers between nests leads to extremely low relatedness among nestmates (Bourke & Franks 1995; Crozier & Pamilo 1996; Keller 1995). A better understanding of the evolution and maintenance of unicoloniality requests detailed information on the discrimination behavior, dispersal, population structure, and the scale of competition. Cryptic genetic population structure may provide important information on the relevant scale to be considered when measuring relatedness and the role of kin selection. Theoretical studies have shown that relatedness should be measured at the level of the `economic neighborhood', which is the scale at which intraspecific competition generally takes place (Griffin & West 2002; Kelly 1994; Queller 1994; Taylor 1992). In chapter four, we conducted alarge-scale study to determine whether the unicolonial ant Formica paralugubris forms populations that are organised in discrete supercolonies or whether there is a continuous gradation in the level of aggression that may correlate with genetic isolation by distance and/or spatial distance between nests. In chapter five, we investigated the fine-scale population structure in three populations of F. paralugubris. We have developed mitochondria) markers, which together with the nuclear markers allowed us to detect cryptic genetic clusters of nests, to obtain more precise information on the genetic differentiation within populations, and to separate male and female gene flow. These new data provide important information on the scale to be considered when measuring relatedness in native unicolonial populations.

Dr Julius Spanier (1880-1959), pédiatre juif : acteur du développement de la pédiatrie sociale et préventive dans la première moitié du XXème siècle à Munich et victime des persécutions à l'égard des médecins juifs sous le IIIème Reich

Résumé Né à Munich en 1880, Julius Spanier obtient le titre de médecin en 1904. Après deux ans de spécialisation en pédiatrie, il ouvre son propre cabinet de médecin généraliste et spécialiste des maladies de l'enfance à Munich. Dès 1913, il participe à l'essor de la pédiatrie sociale et préventive de sa ville natale en assumant la direction de consultations de nourrissons. Ce travail - en partie interrompu par la Première Guerre mondiale à laquelle a participé le Dr Spanier comme médecin militaire - prend fin en 1933 lors de la prise de pouvoir nazie en raison des origines juives de notre médecin. Ces 30 années correspondent en Allemagne à un essor particulier de la pédiatrie sociale et préventive. Au début du XXème siècle apparaissent les premières consultations de nourrissons ; ainsi que de nombreuses associations de médecine sociale. La Première Guerre mondiale donne un élan décisif à la pédiatrie sociale, qui devient désormais une affaire d'Etat et dont le but est la diminution de la mortalité des nourrissons afin de remplacer les pertes humaines subies sur les champs de bataille. Après la fin de la guerre, les idées eugéniques de promouvoir une race aryenne pure prennent une place croissante dans la pédiatrie sociale. Une autre facette du développement de la pédiatrie sociale en Allemagne est l'institution, vers la fin du XIXème siècle, des premiers médecins scolaires. Le développement de la médecine scolaire est plus discret que celui de la médecine sociale des nourrissons, car suscitant moins d'intérêt de la part de l'Etat. Il s'imprègne aussi cependant des idées eugéniques de l'entre-deux-guerres. A Munich également, la médecine scolaire, fondée en 1907, ne connaît qu'un faible essor, jusqu'en 1933 qui sera le théâtre des réformes nazies. Le Dr Spanier devient en 1919 médecin scolaire en emploi accessoire, s'occupant de deux écoles de quartiers populaires munichois. Lors de la prise de pouvoir par Hitler, il est démis de ses fonctions comme médecin scolaire. Toute une législation dirigée contre les médecins juifs est mise en place, qui conduit en 1938 au retrait du droit d'exercer. Une minorité de médecins, nommés « Krankenbehandler », sont encore autorisés à soigner exclusivement les membres de la communauté juive. A Munich, capitale du mouvement nazi, 14 « Krankenbehandler » sont désignés, dont le Dr Spanier. Leur consultation se trouve dans l'unique hôpital juif de la ville, dont le nombre de lits est largement insuffisant face aux besoins rencontrés au sein de la communauté juive. En plus de son travail comme médecin-chef de l'hôpital juif, le Dr Spanier est médecin dans un camp de travail et un ghetto juifs de Munich. En 1942, lui, sa femme, les infirmières et tous les patients de la clinique sont déportés vers le camp de concentration de Theresienstadt, étape précédant dans la plupart des cas une déportation vers Auschwitz. De 1942 à 1945, le Dr Spanier exerce ses fonctions de médecin auprès des déportés du camp, avec le peu de moyens à disposition et dans un dévouement infatigable. Lui et sa femme échappent miraculeusement à la mort et reviennent à Munich en 1945. Le Dr Spanier assume alors diverses fonctions comme médecin et au sein de diverses organisations de dénazification et reconstruction d'une communauté juive munichoise. Il meurt en 1959.

Entre culture du consensus et critique sociale : les intellectuels de gauche dans la Suisse de l'après-guerre (1945-1968)

Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".

The transatlantic business community faced with US direct investment in Western Europe, 1958-1968

This article examines the position of US and European business in the debate about American direct investment in Western Europe in a historical perspective, from the establishment of the Common Market to the introduction of US regulation of foreign direct investment (FDI) a decade later. Based on abundant and diverse archival documents, it sheds new light on the process of Americanisation and contributes to existing research on transnational networks, by revealing the active role industrial leaders on both sides of the Atlantic played in shaping the political responses to problems raised by the American firms' massive presence in the Common Market.