185 resultados para Political ex-prisoners


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Postmortem MRI (PMMR) examinations are seldom performed in legal medicine due to long examination times, unfamiliarity with the technique, and high costs. Furthermore, it is difficult to obtain access to an MRI device used for patients in clinical settings to image an entire human body. An alternative is available: ex situ organ examination. To our knowledge, there is no standardized protocol that includes ex situ organ preparation and scanning parameters for postmortem MRI. Thus, our objective was to develop a standard procedure for ex situ heart PMMR examinations. We also tested the oily contrast agent Angiofil® commonly used for PMCT angiography, for its applicability in MRI. We worked with a 3 Tesla MRI device and 32-channel head coils. Twelve porcine hearts were used to test different materials to find the best way to prepare and place organs in the device and to test scanning parameters. For coronary MR angiography, we tested different mixtures of Angiofil® and different injection materials. In a second step, 17 human hearts were examined to test the procedure and its applicability to human organs. We established two standardized protocols: one for preparation of the heart and another for scanning parameters based on experience in clinical practice. The established protocols enabled a standardized technical procedure with comparable radiological images, allowing for easy radiological reading. The performance of coronary MR angiography enabled detailed coronary assessment and revealed the utility of Angiofil® as a contrast agent for PMMR. Our simple, reproducible method for performing heart examinations ex situ yields high quality images and visualization of the coronary arteries.

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Enhancing immune responses with immune-modulatory monoclonal antibodies directed to inhibitory immune receptors is a promising modality in cancer therapy. Clinical efficacy has been demonstrated with antibodies blocking inhibitory immune checkpoints such as cytotoxic T lymphocyte-associated antigen 4 (CTLA-4) or PD-1/PD-L1. Treatment with ipilimumab, a fully human CTLA-4-specific mAb, showed durable clinical efficacy in metastatic melanoma; its mechanism of action is, however, only partially understood. This is a study of 29 patients with advanced cutaneous melanoma treated with ipilimumab. We analyzed peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMCs) and matched melanoma metastases from 15 patients responding and 14 not responding to ipilimumab by multicolor flow cytometry, antibody-dependent cell-mediated cytotoxicity (ADCC) assay, and immunohistochemistry. PBMCs and matched tumor biopsies were collected 24 h before (i.e., baseline) and up to 4 wk after ipilimumab. Our findings show, to our knowledge for the first time, that ipilimumab can engage ex vivo FcγRIIIA (CD16)-expressing, nonclassical monocytes resulting in ADCC-mediated lysis of regulatory T cells (Tregs). In contrast, classical CD14(++)CD16(-) monocytes are unable to do so. Moreover, we show that patients responding to ipilimumab display significantly higher baseline peripheral frequencies of nonclassical monocytes compared with nonresponder patients. In the tumor microenvironment, responders have higher CD68(+)/CD163(+) macrophage ratios at baseline and show decreased Treg infiltration after treatment. Together, our results suggest that anti-CTLA-4 therapy may target Tregs in vivo. Larger translational studies are, however, warranted to substantiate this mechanism of action of ipilimumab in patients.

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Using meta-analytic methods on a sample of 74 studies, we explore the links between CPA and public policy outcomes, and between CPA and firm outcomes. We find that CPA has at best a weak effect and that it appears to be better at maintaining public policy than changing them.

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In 1967, Gordon Tullock asked why firms do not spend more on campaign contributions, despite the large rents that could be generated from political activities. We suggest in this paper that part of the puzzle could come from the fact that one important type of political activity has been neglected by the literature which focuses on campaign contributions or political connections. We call this neglected activity "asset freezing": situations in which firms delay lay-offs or invest in specific technologies to support local politicians' re-election objectives. In doing so, firms bear a potentially significant cost as they do not use a portion of their economic assets in the most efficient or productive way. The purpose of this paper is to provide a first theoretical exploration of this phenomenon. Building on the literature on corporate political resources, we argue that a firm's economic assets can be evaluated based on their degree of "political freezability," which depends on the flexibility of their use and on their value for policy-makers. We then develop a simple model in which financial contributions and freezing assets are alternative options for a firm willing to lawfully influence public policy-making, and derive some of our initial hypotheses more formally.

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To what extent should public utilities regulation be expected to converge across countries? When it occurs, will it generate good outcomes? Building on the core proposition of the New Institutional Economics that similar regulations generate different outcomes depending on their fit with the underlying domestic institutions, we develop a simple model and explore its implications by examining the diffusion of local loop unbundling (LLU) regulations. We argue that: one should expect some convergence in public utility regulation but with still a significant degree of local experimentation; this process will have very different impacts of regulation.

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Managers can craft effective integrated strategy by properly assessing regulatory uncertainty. Leveraging the existing political markets literature, we predict regulatory uncertainty from the novel interaction of demand and supply side rivalries across a range of political markets. We argue for two primary drivers of regulatory uncertainty: ideology-motivated interests opposed to the firm and a lack of competition for power among political actors supplying public policy. We align three, previously disparate dimensions of nonmarket strategy - profile level, coalition breadth, and pivotal target - to levels of regulatory uncertainty. Through this framework, we demonstrate how and when firms employ different nonmarket strategies. To illustrate variation in nonmarket strategy across levels of regulatory uncertainty, we analyze several market entry decisions of foreign firms operating in the global telecommunications sector.

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How do plants that move and spread across landscapes become branded as weeds and thereby objects of contention and control? We outline a political ecology approach that builds on a Lefebvrian understanding of the production of space, identifying three scalar moments that make plants into 'weeds' in different spatial contexts and landscapes. The three moments are: the operational scale, which relates to empirical phenomena in nature and society; the observational scale, which defines formal concepts of these phenomena and their implicit or explicit 'biopower' across institutional and spatial categories; and the interpretive scale, which is communicated through stories and actions expressing human feelings or concerns regarding the phenomena and processes of socio-spatial change. Together, these three scalar moments interact to produce a political ecology of landscape transformation, where biophysical and socio-cultural processes of daily life encounter formal categories and modes of control as well as emotive and normative expectations in shaping landscapes. Using three exemplar 'weeds' - acacia, lantana and ambrosia - our political ecology approach to landscape transformations shows that weeds do not act alone and that invasives are not inherently bad organisms. Humans and weeds go together; plants take advantage of spaces and opportunities that we create. Human desires for preserving certain social values in landscapes in contradiction to actual transformations is often at the heart of definitions of and conflicts over weeds or invasives.

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Since independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) became key actors in European regulatory governance in the 1990s, a significant share of policy-making has been carried out by organizations that are neither democratically elected nor directly accountable to elected politicians. In this context, public communication plays an important role. On the one hand, regulatory agencies might try to use communication to raise their accountability and thereby to mitigate their democratic deficit. On the other hand, communication may be used with the intent to steer the behavior of the regulated industry when more coercive regulatory means are unfeasible or undesirable. However, empirical research focusing directly on how regulators communicate is virtually non-existent. To fill this gap, this paper examines the public communication of IRAs in four countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland) and three sectors (financial services, telecommunications, and broadcasting). The empirical analysis, based on qualitative interviews and a quantitative content analysis, indicates that the organization of the communication function follows a national pattern approach while a policy sector approach is helpful for understanding the use of communication as a soft tool of regulation.

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