Begging food provisioning and nestling competition in great tit broods infested with ectoparasites

Ectoparasites are a ubiquitous environmental component of breeding birds, and it has repeatedly been shown that hematophagous ectoparasites such as fleas and mites reduce the quality and number of offspring of bird hosts, thereby lowering the value of a current brood. Selection acting on the hosts will favor physiological and behavioral responses that will reduce the parasites' impact. However, the results of the few bird studies that addressed the question of whether parasitism leads to a higher rate of food provisioning are equivocal, and the begging response to infestation has rarely been quantified. A change in begging activity and parental rate of food provisioning could be predicted in either direction: parents could reduce their investment in the brood in order to invest more in future broods, or they could increase their investment in order to compensate for the parasites' effect on the current brood. Since the nestlings are weakened by the ectoparasites they may beg less, but on the other hand they may beg more in order to obtain more food. In this study we show experimentally that (1) hen fleas (Ceratophyllus gallinae) reduce the body mass and size of great tit (Parus major) nestlings, (2) nestlings of parasitized broods more than double their begging rate, (3) the male parents increase the frequency of feeding trips by over 50%, (4) the females do not adjust feeding rate to the lowered nutritional state of nestlings, and (5) food competition among siblings of parasitized broods is increased. Ultimately the difference in the parental feeding response may be understood as the result of a sex-related difference in the trade-off of investing in current versus future broods.

Contracts, Reference Points, and Competition - Behavioral Effects of the Fundamental Transformation

In this paper we study the role of incomplete ex ante contracts for ex post trade. Previous experimental evidence indicates that a contract provides a reference point for entitlements when the terms are negotiated in a competitive market. We show that this finding no longer holds when the terms are determined in a non-competitive way. Our results imply that the presence of a "fundamental transformation" (i.e., the transition from a competitive market to a bilateral relationship) is important for a contract to become a reference point. To the best of our knowledge this behavioral aspect of the fundamental transformation has not been shown before.

Social Investment Policies in Times of Permanent Austerity

The objective of this paper is to identify the political conditions that are most likely to be conducive to the development of social investment policies. It starts from the view put forward by theorists of welfare retrenchment that in the current context of permanent austerity, policy is likely to be dominated by retrenchment and implemented in a way that allows governments to minimise the risk of electoral punishment (blame avoidance). It is argued that this view is inconsistent with developments observed in several European countries, were some welfare state expansion has taken place mostly in the fields of childcare and active labour market policy. An alternative model is put forward, that emphasises the notion of "affordable credit claiming". It is argued that even under strong budgetary pressures, governments maintain a preference for policies that allow them to claim credit for their actions. Since the traditional redistributive policies tend to be off the menu for cost reasons, governments have tended to favour investments in childcare and active labour market policy as credit claiming tools. Policies developed in this way while they have a social investment flavour, tend to be rather limited in the extent to which they genuinely improve prospects of disadvantaged people by investing in their human capital. A more ambitious strategy of social investment sees unlikely to develop on the basis of affordable credit claiming. The paper starts by presenting the theoretical argument, which is then illustrated with examples taken from European countries both in the pre-crisis and in the post-crisis years.

Corticosterone promotes scramble competition over sibling negotiation in Barn Owl nestlings (Tyto alba)

In species with parental care, siblings compete for access to food resources. Typically, they vocally signal their level of need to each other and to parents, and jostle for the position in the nest where parents deliver food. Although food shortage and social interactions are stressful, little is known about the effect of stress on the way siblings resolve the conflict over how food is shared among them. Because glucocorticoid hormones mediate physiological and behavioral responses to stressors, we tested whether corticosterone, the main glucocorticoid in birds, modulates physical and vocal signaling used by barn owl siblings (Tyto alba) to compete for food. Although corticosterone-implanted (cort-) nestlings and placebo-nestlings were similarly successful to monopolize food, they employed different behavioral strategies. Compared to placebo-nestlings, cort-individuals reduced the rate of vocally communicating with their siblings (but not with their parents) but were positioned closer to the nest-box entrance where parents predictably deliver food. Therefore, corticosterone induced nestlings to increase their effort in physical competition for the best nest position at the expense of investment in sib-sib communication without modifying vocal begging signals directed to parents. This suggests that in the barn owl stress alters nestlings' behavior and corticosterone could mediate the trade-off between scramble competition and vocal sib-sib communication. We conclude that stressful environments may prevent the evolution of sib-sib communication as a way to resolve family conflicts peacefully.

Les interventions des institutions de Bretton Woods dans la sous-région d'Afrique Centrale : les exemples du Cameroun et du Gabon (1987-2007)

RESUME DE LA THESE Le but de cette thèse est d'analyser la réforme générale de l'Etat au Cameroun et au Gabon par les institutions de Bretton Woods sur une période de vingt ans (1987-2007). Pour ce faire, mon travail consiste à étudier le rôle majeur joué par les différentes mesures économiques impulsées dans les pays par le Fonds Monétaire International (FMI) et la Banque Mondiale. Il s'agit de voir si les différentes réformes d'ajustement que ces institutions ont imposé au Cameroun et au Gabon ont produit des effets positifs en vue de solution la crise économique qui s'y installait durablement et remettre ces Etats sur le sentier de la croissance et du développement. L'avènement de la crise économique qui sévissait dans les pays au milieu des années 1980 montrait que le modèle développementaliste expérimenté par ces Etats n'avait expérimenté contribué qu'à provoquer la paralysie de l'appareil de production. Les causes profondes résidaient dans l'omniprésence de l'Etat qui privilégiait une logique administrative au dépend de celle de production au point de nuire gravement aux politiques interventionnistes étatiques. A cela, s'ajoutaient d'autres facteurs endogènes et exogènes aux Etats comme la mauvaise gestion couplée à la forte corruption et au clientélisme politique, la contrebande et le dumping, l'effritement du secteur agricole dû au vieillissement des plantations et à la sous-mécanisation, l'explosion démographique, la détérioration des termes de l'échange, le chômage endémique et galopant, etc. En ayant recours aux réformes d'ajustement structurel du FMI et de la Banque Mondiale, les gouvernements camerounais et gabonais entendaient lutter contre les rigidités institutionnelles et les distorsions structurelles qui empêchaient leurs économies de répondre aux signaux du marché et d'accroître l'offre d'une part. Et, d'autre part, les réformes d'ajustement devaient permettre de renforcer la concurrence des produits sur les marchés, accroître les capacités d'adaptation des marchés de facteurs et améliorer l'efficacité et l'efficience du secteur public. Mais avant d'analyser les réformes d'ajustement dans les pays j'ai d'abord présenté dans une première partie, l'évolution sociopolitique et économique des deux pays. Cette partie donne à l'analyse une profondeur historique indispensable et rend compte de l'évolution des politiques sectorielles des Etats marquée par une phase de croissance (1960-1984), puis par une phase de décroissance ou de crise qui commence à partir de 1985. La seconde partie met en évidence les politiques d'ajustement structurelle principalement axées sur la régulation monétaire, financière et budgétaire, la réforme de la fonction publique, la réforme agricole, le désengagement de l'Etat du secteur productif national et les privatisations. Je termine cette seconde partie par un bilan contrasté que je dresse de l'impact de ces réformes dans les économies camerounaises et gabonaises. La troisième partie met en évidence les nouvelles orientations stratégiques des institutions de Bretton Woods en partant de l'agenda politique des réformes au Cameroun et au Gabon. Elle fait intervenir une batterie de réformes portant sur l'initiative Pays Pauvres Très Endettés (PPTE), les Documents de Stratégie pour la Réduction de la Pauvreté (DSRP), l'Evaluation Politique et Institutionnelle du Pays (EPIP) et la «Bonne Gouvernance». Cette thèse s'achève par une conclusion exhaustive mettant en évidence les insuffisances des modèles théoriques et conceptuels fondant l'ajustement structurel et la remise en cause des nouvelles stratégies de lutte contre la pauvreté impulsées par le FMI et la Banque Mondiale dans les pays d'une part. D'autre part, j'observe une faiblesse institutionnelle de l'Etat dans ces pays qui se résume à la mauvaise gouvernance ; à l'absence d'un cadre et des outils appropriés pour la gestion économique et stratégique du développement à long terme ; à l'impunité généralisée et à l'inefficacité des mesures de lutte contre la pauvreté ; à l'absence d'un Etat de droit et à l'autoritarisme des régimes en place.

Organisational reforms in active welfare states: A comparative analysis of the turn to 'single gateways' in Western Europe

Based on the case of reforms aimed at integrating the provision of income protection and employment services for jobless people in Europe, this thesis seeks to understand the reasons which may prompt governments to engage in large-scale organisational reforms. Over the last 20 years, several European countries have indeed radically redesigned the organisational structure of their welfare state by merging or bundling existing front-line offices in charge of benefit payment and employment services together into 'one-stop' agencies. Whereas in academic and political debates, these reforms are generally presented as a necessary and rational response to the problems and inconsistencies induced by fragmentation in a context of the reorientation of welfare states towards labour market activation, this thesis shows that the agenda setting of these reforms is in fact the result of multidimensional political dynamics. More specifically, the main argument of this thesis is that these reforms are best understood not so such from the problems induced by organisational compartmentalism, whose political recognition is often controversial, but from the various goals that governments may simultaneously achieve by means of their adoption. This argument is tested by comparing agenda-setting processes of large-scale reforms of coordination in the United Kingdom (Jobcentre Plus), Germany (Hartz IV reform) and Denmark (2005 Jobcentre reform), and contrasting them with the Swiss case where the government has so far rejected any coordination initiative involving organisational redesign. This comparison brings to light the importance, for the rise of organisational reforms, of the possibility to couple them with the following three goals: first, goals related to the strengthening of activation policies; second, institutional goals seeking to redefine the balance of responsibilities between the central state and non-state actors, and finally electoral goals for governments eager to maintain political credibility. The decisive role of electoral goals in the three countries suggests that these reforms are less bound by partisan politics than by the particular pressures facing governments arrived in office after long periods in opposition.

What makes for peaceful post-conflict elections?

Elections play a crucial role in post-conflict peace and democratization processes as, among other factors, they provide an answer to the question of who is to legitimately rule the country. However, because of the competitiveness arising from their central role in allocating power they can also represent windows of vulnerability where deeply rooted societal conflicts can come to the surface. This working paper focuses on two post-conflict elections (Sierra Leone 2007; Nepal 2008) which, despite perceived high risks, did not result in widespread violence or a return to armed conflict. The aim of these case studies is to identify the factors and measures that may have played an important role in contributing to this outcome. Each of the two case studies first outlines the risks associated with the elections and then analyzes the violence and conflict preventing factors. The paper shows that that the context greatly influences the type of measures that can be taken in such situations, but that there are also some similarities in the two cases studied. In particular, it appears that that the credibility of the elections, largely attributable to a good electoral administration, was an important factor in both Nepal and Sierra Leone. Furthermore, the inclusion of all key stakeholders in decisions regarding key electoral institutions helped to diffuse potential conflict. The study also shows that in both cases the international community played an important role by providing financial, logistical and technical support and by pressuring certain important actors to comply with the rules.

Do we fear tax competition among new and old European countries ?

The purpose of this paper is to study both theoretically and empirically tax competition in the enlarged EU and to provide some insights on ongoing reforms concerning business taxation. We support the idea that even if one can observe cuts in "new" members statutory business tax rates, this should not result in fiercer tax competition between the "core" and "the "periphery" since infrastructure endowments and the existence of agglomeration rents in the core of the EU may prevent (at least partially) activities to relocate to the "new" members.

Une européanisation des politiques de conciliation de la vie familiale et professionnelle? : les cas de l'Italie et de la France

Les différents pays membres de l'UE connaissent des politiques dites de « conciliation de la vie professionnelle et familiale » qui correspondent à un ensemble de dispositifs hétéroclites, plus ou moins complexes, mais rarement cohérents. Alliant des objectifs tels que la hausse de la natalité, la protection des mères et des enfants, l'égalité entre femmes et hommes, la lutte contre la pauvreté des enfants et des familles monoparentales et l'activation des femmes, ces politiques sont fortement ancrées dans des traditions nationales de politiques familiales, d'emploi et fiscales. Ces politiques portent en elles l'héritage et les tensions de l'histoire d'un pays. Au moment où un nouvel acteur international, l'Union européenne, intervient de manière de plus en plus explicite dans le débat et dans la définition de ces politiques, la présente étude tend à analyser l'influence exercées par les référentiels européens en matière de politiques de conciliation sur les discours et politiques nationales de l'Italie et de la France. A partir d'une analyse cognitive du processus d'européanisation, nous montrons que les référentiels développés au sein de l'UE, par leur caractère abstrait et flou, n'ont eu jusqu'ici qu'une faible influence sur les discours et politiques en Italie et en France. Croisant une perspective néo-institutionnaliste historique et discursive, notre recherche a été construite autour de deux axes de réflexion. Premièrement, il a été question d'analyser, d'une part, l'évolution du discours tenu par les différentes instances européennes (notamment de la Commission européenne, le Conseil européen et le Fonds Social européen) et, d'autre part, questionner comment un consensus a pu émerger entre des pays et des acteurs qui ont des traditions extrêmement différentes en matière de politique sociale, de politique familiale et de convention de genre. Deuxièmement, il a été question d'analyser si et comment un cadre de référence conçu au niveau communautaire a pu influencer les discours et politiques au niveau national. - The reconciliation of work and family life policies forms, in the EU's member States, a plurality of politics, more or less complex, but rarely coherent. Combining different objectives such as fertility increase, mothers and children protection, equality between men and women, fight against children and lone-parent families poverty and women activation, these policies are part of the national traditions of family, employment and tax policy and bear the heritage and the tensions of the country history. At a moment when a new global player, the European Union, interferes increasingly explicitly in the debate and the definition of reconciling work and family life policies, the question at the heart of this thesis was to define what kind of influence the référentiels of European discourses have on reconciliation policies since the late 1990s, in the Italian and French discourses and policies. Starting from a cognitive analysis of the Europeanization process, we show that the référentiels developed within the EU, by their abstract and vague nature, have had little influence in Italy and France. Crossing an historical and a discursive neo-institutionalist perspective, our research was based on two axes of reasoning. First, we have analysed, on the one hand, the evolution of various European institutions' discoursed (including the European Commission, the European Council and the European Social Fund) and, on the other hand, we have questioned how a consensus has emerged between countries and actors who have very different traditions in social policy, family policy and gender conventions. Secondly, we have observed if and how a framework developed at Community level, as a kind of ideal to strive for, has influenced discourses and policies at the national level.

Peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor mediates cross-talk with thyroid hormone receptor by competition for retinoid X receptor. Possible role of a leucine zipper-like heptad repeat.

The peroxisome proliferator-activated receptors (PPAR) and thyroid hormone receptors (TR) are members of the nuclear receptor superfamily, which regulate lipid metabolism and tissue differentiation. In order to bind to DNA and activate transcription, PPAR requires the formation of heterodimers with the retinoid X receptor (RXR). In addition to activating transcription through its own response elements, PPAR is able to selectively down-regulate the transcriptional activity of TR, but not vitamin D receptor. The molecular basis of this functional interaction has not been fully elucidated. By means of site-directed mutagenesis of hPPAR alpha we mapped its inhibitory action on TR to a leucine zipper-like motif in the ligand binding domain of PPAR, which is highly conserved among all subtypes of this receptor and mediates heterodimerization with RXR. Replacement of a single leucine by arginine at position 433 of hPPAR alpha (L433R) abolished heterodimerization of PPAR with RXR and consequently its trans-activating capacity. However, a similar mutation of a leucine residue to arginine at position 422 showed no alteration of heterodimerization, DNA binding, or transcriptional activation. The dimerization deficient mutant L433R was no longer able to inhibit TR action, demonstrating that the selective inhibitory effect of PPAR results from the competition for RXR as well as possibly for other TR-auxiliary proteins. In contrast, abolition of DNA binding by a mutation in the P-box of PPAR (C122S) did not eliminate the inhibition of TR trans-activation, indicating that competition for DNA binding is not involved. Additionally, no evidence for the formation of PPAR:TR heterodimers was found in co-immunoprecipitation experiments. In summary, we have demonstrated that PPAR selectively inhibits the transcriptional activity of TRs by competition for RXR and possibly non-RXR TR-auxiliary proteins. In contrast, this functional interaction is independent of the formation of PPAR:TR heterodimers or competition for DNA binding.