The Political Communication of Independent Regulatory Agencies

Since independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) became key actors in European regulatory governance in the 1990s, a significant share of policy-making has been carried out by organizations that are neither democratically elected nor directly accountable to elected politicians. In this context, public communication plays an important role. On the one hand, regulatory agencies might try to use communication to raise their accountability and thereby to mitigate their democratic deficit. On the other hand, communication may be used with the intent to steer the behavior of the regulated industry when more coercive regulatory means are unfeasible or undesirable. However, empirical research focusing directly on how regulators communicate is virtually non-existent. To fill this gap, this paper examines the public communication of IRAs in four countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland) and three sectors (financial services, telecommunications, and broadcasting). The empirical analysis, based on qualitative interviews and a quantitative content analysis, indicates that the organization of the communication function follows a national pattern approach while a policy sector approach is helpful for understanding the use of communication as a soft tool of regulation.

More Money, Fewer Problems? Cross-Level Effects of Economic Deprivation on Political Representation

While equal political representation of all citizens is a fundamental democratic goal, it is hampered empirically in a multitude of ways. This study examines how the societal level of economic inequality affects the representation of relatively poor citizens by parties and governments. Using CSES survey data for citizens' policy preferences and expert placements of political parties, empirical evidence is found that in economically more unequal societies, the party system represents the preferences of relatively poor citizens worse than in more equal societies. This moderating effect of economic equality is also found for policy congruence between citizens and governments, albeit slightly less clear-cut.

The political ecology of ecosystem services

The dominance of ''ecosystem services'' as a guiding concept for environmental management - where it appears as a neutral, obvious, taken-for-granted concept - hides the fact that there are choices implicit in its framing and in its application. In other words, it is a highly political concept, and its utility depends on the arena in which it is used and what it is used for. Following a political ecology framework, and based on a literature review, bibliometric analyses, and brief examples from two tropical rainforest countries, this review investigates four moments in the construction and application of the ecosystem services idea: socio-historical (the emergence of the discourse), ontological (what knowledge does the concept allow?), scientific (difficulties in its practical application), and political (who wins, who loses?). We show how the concept is a boundary object with widespread appeal, trace the discursive and institutional context within which it gained traction, and argue that choices of scale, definition, and method in measuring ecosystem services frustrate its straightforward application. As a result, it is used in diverse ways by dif- ferent interests to justify different kinds of interventions that at times might be totally opposed. In Madagascar, the ecosystem services idea is mainly used to justify forest conservation in ways open to cri- tique for its neoliberalization of nature or disempowerment of communities. In contrast, in the Brazilian Amazon, the discourse of ecosystem services has served the agendas of traditional populations and family farm lobbies. Ecosystem services, as an idea and tool, are mobilized by diverse actors in real-life situa- tions that lead to complex, regionally particular and fundamentally political outcomes.

Du retraité méritant au senior actif : genèse et transformations de la figure sociale de la vieillesse en Suisse

«Crise de l'assurance-vieillesse », «déséquilibre démographique», «vieillissement de la population », « faillite des systèmes de retraite », voilà des expressions qui occupent une place prépondérante dans tes discours portant sur l'avenir de la sécurité sociale aujourd'hui. Les autorités politiques suisses comme européennes font part de leur inquiétude face à la situation d'urgence que présenteraient les « sociétés vieillissantes ». En effet, alors que F assurance-vieillesse s'adressait initialement à une catégorie résiduelle de personnes qui parvenait à vivre plusieurs années au-delà de 65 ans, elle couvre maintenant près d'un cinquième de la population globale. Partant, les autorités fédérales appellent à une restriction des conditions d'accès à la rente de vieillesse. À première vue, les débats qui portent sur cette question dans l'arène politique relèvent de considérations essentiellement techniques liées aux conditions économiques de perpétuation de l'assurances-vieillesse. Il s'agit de modifier les règles d'accès à l'assurance ainsi que le montant des prestations afin d'assainir les caisses tout en faisant face à l'augmentation du nombre de retraités. Ce travail de thèse aborde cette question par une autre approche. Nous partons du postulat que les débats portant sur l'avenir de la politique de la vieillesse sont révélateurs d'une lutte entre acteurs du champ de régulation sociale qui participent d'un travail d'élaboration d'une pensée d'Etat, au sens de P Bourdieu. Cette lutte a pour objet l'imposition de catégories de pensées, soit la définition de ce qu'est un âgé aujourd'hui et de ce qu'il est moralement acceptable d'attendre de lui Nous montrons que cette question peut être comprise à l'aune de l'histoire du traitement social de la vieillesse dont nous relatons ici la genèse et les transformations. Nous soulignons également combien cette pensée d'Etat marque la manière dont les retraités aujourd'hui cherchent à se valoriser face à la déstabilisation de leur statut social. Summary "Crisis of social insurance for older people", "demographic imbalance", "aging of the population", "bankruptcy of pensions systems" ; these are some of the many expressions that today play a importance part in discussion about the future of social security. The Swiss and European political authorities show they are concerned about the crisis that "aging societies" are said to be facing. Indeed, while social insurance for old age used to concern a residual category of people who managet! to live to more than 65 years old, it now covers about a fifth of the global population. Hence, the Federal authorities are calling for a tightening of the conditions for access to retirement benefits. At first glance, the debates in the political arena »elated to (his question mainly deal with technical considerations linked to the economic conditions for the perpetuation of the insurance for old age. Ease of access and the level of the benefits have to be reduced in order to balance the funds, in the face of the rise of the number beneficiaries. This thesis study addresses this question through a different approach. We start from the proposition that debates concerning the future of social policy for old age reveal a struggle between those involved in (he field of social regulation ; this struggle is part of the development of the thought of the State as conceived by P. Bourdieu. The aim of this fight is to impose normative categories of thought, that is to say in relation to our subject, the definition of what an older person is today and what is morally acceptable to expect of him or her. We show that this question can be understood in the light of the the history of the social treatment of old age that we report here. Moreover, we show that this thought of the State explains the way retired people seek to value themselves and confront the destabilisation of their social status.

Investigating Neuroanatomical Features in Top Athletes at the Single Subject Level.

In sport events like Olympic Games or World Championships competitive athletes keep pushing the boundaries of human performance. Compared to team sports, high achievements in many athletic disciplines depend solely on the individual's performance. Contrasting previous research looking for expertise-related differences in brain anatomy at the group level, we aim to demonstrate changes in individual top athlete's brain, which would be averaged out in a group analysis. We compared structural magnetic resonance images (MRI) of three professional track-and-field athletes to age-, gender- and education-matched control subjects. To determine brain features specific to these top athletes, we tested for significant deviations in structural grey matter density between each of the three top athletes and a carefully matched control sample. While total brain volumes were comparable between athletes and controls, we show regional grey matter differences in striatum and thalamus. The demonstrated brain anatomy patterns remained stable and were detected after 2 years with Olympic Games in between. We also found differences in the fusiform gyrus in two top long jumpers. We interpret our findings in reward-related areas as correlates of top athletes' persistency to reach top-level skill performance over years.

Corporate political activity and firm outcomes: A meta-analysis

Using meta-analytic methods on a sample of 74 studies, we explore the links between CPA and public policy outcomes, and between CPA and firm outcomes. We find that CPA has at best a weak effect and that it appears to be better at maintaining public policy than changing them.

Asset freezing, corporate political resources and the Tullock paradox

In 1967, Gordon Tullock asked why firms do not spend more on campaign contributions, despite the large rents that could be generated from political activities. We suggest in this paper that part of the puzzle could come from the fact that one important type of political activity has been neglected by the literature which focuses on campaign contributions or political connections. We call this neglected activity "asset freezing": situations in which firms delay lay-offs or invest in specific technologies to support local politicians' re-election objectives. In doing so, firms bear a potentially significant cost as they do not use a portion of their economic assets in the most efficient or productive way. The purpose of this paper is to provide a first theoretical exploration of this phenomenon. Building on the literature on corporate political resources, we argue that a firm's economic assets can be evaluated based on their degree of "political freezability," which depends on the flexibility of their use and on their value for policy-makers. We then develop a simple model in which financial contributions and freezing assets are alternative options for a firm willing to lawfully influence public policy-making, and derive some of our initial hypotheses more formally.

The political economy of international regulatory convergence in public utilities

To what extent should public utilities regulation be expected to converge across countries? When it occurs, will it generate good outcomes? Building on the core proposition of the New Institutional Economics that similar regulations generate different outcomes depending on their fit with the underlying domestic institutions, we develop a simple model and explore its implications by examining the diffusion of local loop unbundling (LLU) regulations. We argue that: one should expect some convergence in public utility regulation but with still a significant degree of local experimentation; this process will have very different impacts of regulation.