Le Système partisan nationalitaire corse contemporain: étude d’un phénomène politique

Utilisée la terminologie « système partisan nationalitaire » pour désigner en totalité le champ politique qui recouvre les régionalistes, les autonomistes, les nationalistes et les indépendentistes, l’auteur étude le phénomène politique de la Corse d’aujourd’hui. Avec une claire conclusion global : le nationalisme corse contemporain a dépassé les limites du phénomène politique pour s’étendre sur la totalité de la vie politique et social insulaire. Aujourd’hui, il domine le monde syndical, l’économie et la domaine universitaire et scientifique.

Gender based-violence at Universities

Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada al Center for Lifelng Learning de l’ University of Warwick, entre 2006 i 2008. Aquesta recerca es centra en l'estudi del fenomen de la violència de gènere a les universitats. Recerques prèvies ens indiquen que la violència de gènere afecta a tot tipus de dones, de totes les cultures, edats, estatus professionals i nivells educatius. També es constata que aquesta violència no només es dóna en l'àmbit domèstic, sinó també en diferents àmbits socials, incloses les institucions educatives. La literatura científica sobre aquesta temàtica de països com Estats Units o Canadà ha incidit en com també trobem aquest fenomen en els contextos universitaris. A Europa s'ha fet molt poca recerca centrada en analitzar la violència de gènere que afecta a les dones a les universitats. Amb aquest estudi s'ha explorat la literatura científica existent a nivell mundial sobre aquesta temàtica, s'ha analitzat el tractament d'aquesta problemàtica a nivell de legislacions i recomanacions institucionals, principalment a nivell de l'Estat espanyol, de Catalunya i d'organismes internacionals, i s'han analitzat pràctiques en el tractament d'aquesta problemàtica en diferents universitats del Regne Unit. Per altra banda, s'ha incidit en l'estudi del impacte que diferents formes de violència de gènere té en els processos formatius i en els projectes professionals de dones a les universitats. Així mateix, s'han analitzat elements claus de pràctiques a les universitats del Regne Unit en la implementació de polítiques contra l'assetjament sexual que afecta a les dones. La identificació d'aquests elements s'orienta a aportar recomanacions claus per a la implementació de mesures orientades a la prevenció i la superació de diferents formes de violència que afecta a les dones a les universitats.

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

Violence and Political Institutions in the Basque Country

A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism.

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Violence and displacement. Evidence from the Spanish civil war (1936-1939)

This paper explores the relationship between violence and displacement during civil war focusing on two different forms of population movements (i.e. incoming and outgoing), and two different forms of violence (i.e. direct and indirect). The paper explores the relationship between displacement and violence at the local level in the context of a civil war fought conventionally using fine-grained data from 1,062 municipalities of the region of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). First, the paper suggests that exogenous and endogenous to the war factors combine to generate patterns of resettlement. Second, the evidence indicates that, in acivil war context, refugee flows and violence are interrelated in multiple ways: the arrival of internal refugees in a locality promotes the perpetration of direct violence against civilians; this, in turn, triggers the departure of people from the locality when the other group approaches. Third, indirect violence (i.e. bombings) shows to be the most significant factor accounting for external displacement at the local level, suggesting that bombing can serve as a strong signal for civilians of the type of armed group they are facing. Finally, the Spanish case suggests that the demographic changes provoked by displacement, combined with the lethality of the conflict, are likely to have long-term political consequences.