Assessment of current anglo-saxon proposals about criminal justice and the justification of legal punishment: Moore, Duff and Finnis on retribution, and the challenging compatibility with the up-and-coming Restorative Justice

Pendent

Environmental conflicts, environmental justice and valuation

In this article some historical and contemporary environmental conflicts are described. The international environmental liability of mining corporations is discussed. Comparisons are made with conflicts in the United States and in South Africa which fall under the rubric of the Environmental Justice movement. Such conflicts are fought out in many languages, and the economic valuation of damages is only one of such languages. Who has the power to impose particular languages of valuation? Who rules over the ways and means of simplifying complexity, deciding that some points of view are out of order? Who has power to determine which is the bottom-line in an environmental discussion?

On the design of peer punishment experiments

We discuss how technologies of peer punishment might bias the results that are observed in experiments. A crucial parameter is the “fine-to-fee” ratio, which describes by how much the punished subjects income is reduced relatively to the fee the punishing subject has to pay to inflict punishment. We show that a punishment technology commonly used in experiments embeds a variable fine-to-fee ratio and show that it confounds the empirical findings about why, whom, and how much subjects punish.

On punishment and well-being

The existence of punishment opportunities has been shown to cause efficiency in public goods experiments to increase considerably. In this paper we ask whether punishment also has a downside in terms of process dissatisfaction. We conduct an experiment to study the conjecture that an environment with stronger punishment possibilities leads to higher material but lower subjective well-being. The more general motivation for our study stems from the notion that people??s subjective well-being may be affected by the institutional environment they find themselves in. Our findings show that harsher punishment possibilities lead to signficantly higher well-being, controlling for earnings and other relevant variables. People derive independent satisfaction from interacting under the protection of strong punishment possibilities. These results complement the evidence on the neural basis of altruistic punishment reported in de Quervain et al. (2004).

Inter-group conflict and intra-group punishment in an experimental contest game

We study how conflict in a contest game is influenced by rival parties being groups and by group members being able to punish each other. Our main motivation stems from the analysis of socio-political conflict. The relevant theoretical prediction in our setting is that conflict expenditures are independent of group size and independent of whether punishment is available or not. We find, first, that our results contradict the independence of group-size prediction: conflict expenditures of groups are substantially larger than those of individuals, and both are substantially above equilibrium. Towards the end of the experiment material losses in groups are 257% of the predicted level. There is, however, substantial heterogeneity in the investment behaviour of individual group members. Second, allowing group members to punish each other after individual contributions to the contest effort are revealed leads to even larger conflict expenditures. Now material losses are 869% of the equilibrium level and there is much less heterogeneity in individual group members' investments. These results contrast strongly with those from public goods experiments where punishment enhances efficiency and leads to higher material payoffs.

Gender based-violence at Universities

Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada al Center for Lifelng Learning de l’ University of Warwick, entre 2006 i 2008. Aquesta recerca es centra en l'estudi del fenomen de la violència de gènere a les universitats. Recerques prèvies ens indiquen que la violència de gènere afecta a tot tipus de dones, de totes les cultures, edats, estatus professionals i nivells educatius. També es constata que aquesta violència no només es dóna en l'àmbit domèstic, sinó també en diferents àmbits socials, incloses les institucions educatives. La literatura científica sobre aquesta temàtica de països com Estats Units o Canadà ha incidit en com també trobem aquest fenomen en els contextos universitaris. A Europa s'ha fet molt poca recerca centrada en analitzar la violència de gènere que afecta a les dones a les universitats. Amb aquest estudi s'ha explorat la literatura científica existent a nivell mundial sobre aquesta temàtica, s'ha analitzat el tractament d'aquesta problemàtica a nivell de legislacions i recomanacions institucionals, principalment a nivell de l'Estat espanyol, de Catalunya i d'organismes internacionals, i s'han analitzat pràctiques en el tractament d'aquesta problemàtica en diferents universitats del Regne Unit. Per altra banda, s'ha incidit en l'estudi del impacte que diferents formes de violència de gènere té en els processos formatius i en els projectes professionals de dones a les universitats. Així mateix, s'han analitzat elements claus de pràctiques a les universitats del Regne Unit en la implementació de polítiques contra l'assetjament sexual que afecta a les dones. La identificació d'aquests elements s'orienta a aportar recomanacions claus per a la implementació de mesures orientades a la prevenció i la superació de diferents formes de violència que afecta a les dones a les universitats.

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

La reincidència dels condemnats per delictes de violència de gènere a programes formatius aplicats des de l’execució penal a la comunitat

Aquesta és la segona part de l’estudi encarregat des de la Subdirecció General de Reparació i Execució Penal a la Comunitat que volia saber l’eficàcia dels programes formatius aplicats des de l’execució penal a la comunitat en delictes de violència de gènere. En aquesta segona part s’avalua el grau de satisfacció dels usuaris del programa aplicat quan ja fa una mitjana d’1 any que van acabar el seu contacte amb la Justícia. També s’ha seguit aquests subjectes a nivell de reincidència, per conèixer si consta a les bases policials noves denuncies per aquest o altres tipus de delictes. En total han estat 170 usuaris els participants en la recerca. També se’ls va trucar per telèfon i se’ls va passar una enquesta telefònica de percepció respecte la seva satisfacció amb els resultats del curs formatiu i d’altres aspectes de la seva vida actual.

La reincidencia de los condenados por delitos de violencia de género a programas formativos aplicados desde la ejecución penal en la comunidad

Esta es la segunda parte del estudio iniciado en el 2008 donde se ha evaluado la eficacia de los programas formativos a los que se condena determinados infractores de violencia de género. En esta segunda parte, se hace el seguimiento al cabo de 1 año de haber terminado la intervención de Justicia, para conocer si existe nueva reincidencia, entendida como nueva denuncia policial. También se ha conectado telefónicamente con los participantes en el estudio para conocer su valoración respecto la intervención de Justicia y su vida actual.

Violence and Political Institutions in the Basque Country

A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism.

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Violence and displacement. Evidence from the Spanish civil war (1936-1939)

This paper explores the relationship between violence and displacement during civil war focusing on two different forms of population movements (i.e. incoming and outgoing), and two different forms of violence (i.e. direct and indirect). The paper explores the relationship between displacement and violence at the local level in the context of a civil war fought conventionally using fine-grained data from 1,062 municipalities of the region of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). First, the paper suggests that exogenous and endogenous to the war factors combine to generate patterns of resettlement. Second, the evidence indicates that, in acivil war context, refugee flows and violence are interrelated in multiple ways: the arrival of internal refugees in a locality promotes the perpetration of direct violence against civilians; this, in turn, triggers the departure of people from the locality when the other group approaches. Third, indirect violence (i.e. bombings) shows to be the most significant factor accounting for external displacement at the local level, suggesting that bombing can serve as a strong signal for civilians of the type of armed group they are facing. Finally, the Spanish case suggests that the demographic changes provoked by displacement, combined with the lethality of the conflict, are likely to have long-term political consequences.

The Cooperation on Justice and Home Affairs and the Enlargement of the European Union

This working – paper will be focused on three key issues: • How will affect the enlargement to the Justice and Home Affairs Cooperation. Especially, the absortion of Schenguen Agreements and the overall JHA by the candidate countries. • The enlargement impact over the European Immigraton Policy and the specific policies carried out by the EU Member States. The main question is the free movement of persons safeguard, in order to protect external borders of European Union. • An analysis of September, 11 attacks against U.S.A might be necessary to understand the future changes on JHA policy.

La mediació penal en l’àmbit del menor i la seva incidència a Catalunya

La mediació en l‘àmbit penal del menor és un mitjà innovador de resolució de conflictes, que s’ha de promoure per les seves innegables avantatges envers el model de punició tradicional. Permet que tots el agents afectats puguin intervenir i apropa la justícia a la societat, tot donant un paper fonamental a la víctima i afavorint-hi les possibilitats resocialitzadores i educatives del menor infractor. L’objectiu principal ha de ser facilitar al menor, que tot just comença la seva carrera criminal, les eines necessàries per evitar-ne l’evolució com a adult delinqüent, amb el consegüent benefici per a tota la societat. Igualment, la víctima, gran oblidada del procés penal, adquireix un nou protagonisme per decidir l‘abast de la seva reparació i, alhora, la societat reforça els mecanismes per obtenir la pau social. Aquestes finalitats tan loables mereixen l’esforç de les institucions per invertir en mitjans personals i materials que garanteixin l’eficàcia i la viabilitat dels programes de mediació i reparació. L’experiència a Catalunya, comunitat pionera en aquest àmbit, ve avalada per uns resultats excel·lents en el camp de la jurisdicció dels menors, segons reconeixen els mateixos protagonistes. Els resultats favorables de la mediació en l’àmbit del menor han permès, fins i tot, iniciar la primera experiència a l’Estat pel que fa a la mediació en la justícia penal d’adults. S’obren, doncs, noves possibilitats dins la filosofia del dret penal que ens permetran assolir en el futur solucions innovadores, proposades per les persones directament afectades. Aquest ha estat l’objectiu del nostre estudi, tot mirant d’aprofundir els avantatges de la mediació envers al sistema punitiu tradicional i els resultats de la seva implantació a Catalunya, així com cercar solucions que alleugeressin la sempre sobrecarregada Administració de justícia.

Peacetime Violence in El Salvador and Honduras: A tale of two countries

The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence.