Mixed Blessing? EP Oversight of the ESDP and the Constitutional Treaty

As commonly held, the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) suffers from a “double democratic deficit”: the EP has a marginal role in the ESDP-making process and the national parliaments remain unable to account for their own government. Therefore pressure coming from these two institutions had been exercised during the Convention on the Future of Europe to improve the democratic oversight on this rapidly evolving policy. This paper investigates the innovations included in the Constitutional Treaty, focusing specifically on the new role granted to the EP. It shows that even though this text does not substantially modify the inter-institutional balance of powers in the ESDP area, the EP may take advantage of some of its articles to become an actor in the ESDP-control process in the ‘living constitution.

Choosing how to choose: self-stable majority rules and constitutions

Constitutional arrangements affect the decisions made by a society. We study how this effect leads to preferences of citizens over constitutions; and ultimately how this has a feedback that determines which constitutions can survive in a given society. Constitutions are stylized here, to consist of a voting rule for ordinary business and possibly different voting rule for making changes to the constitution. We deffine an equilibrium notion for constitutions, called self-stability, whereby under the rules of a self-stable constitution, the society would not vote to change the constitution. We argue that only self-stable constitutions will endure. We prove that self-stable constitutions always exist, but that most constitutions (even very prominent ones) may not be self-stable for some societies. We show that constitutions where the voting rule used to amend the constitution is the same as the voting rule used for ordinary business are dangerously simplistic, and there are (many) societies for which no such constitution is self-stable rule. We conclude with a characterization of the set of self-stable constitutions that use majority rule for ordinary business.

El control electrònic com a pena

El control electrònic s'ha aplicat a l'àmbit comparat, principalment, com a instrument de control de l'arrest domiciliari com a mesura cautelar i com a pena, i també en l'àmbit penitenciari junt a formes de compliment de la pena de presó en semillibertat. Des d'una justificació retribucionista de la pena es pot acceptar el control electrònic perquè té suficiència punitiva, pot aplicar-se de forma proporcional i no es degradant. D'altra banda, una justificació utilitarista de la pena accepta el control electrònic perquè redueix la delinqüència. Tot i que la seva aplicació a l'àmbit comparat no ha estat majoritàriament com a alternativa a la presó, es tracta d'un instrument que pot conferir credibilitat i potencial reduccionista a un sistema de penes alternatives. A l'ordenament espanyol pot considerar-se una mesura susceptible de ser aplicada dins el marc constitucional, malgrat afecti a determinats drets fonamentals. La seva previsió normativa com a pena i a l'àmbit penitenciari es molt escassa i presenta diversos problemes interpretatius. Quant a la seva aplicació a España, es reduïda a l'àmbit penitenciari i pràcticament inexistent com a pena. La credibilitat i potencial reduccionista que pot aportar el control electrònic a un sistema de penes alternatives permet defensar l'ampliació del seu ús al nostre ordenament en els supòsits ja previstos normativament i en d'altres de nous.

El Sistema de financiación de las comunidades autónomas de régimen común: un análisis crítico y algunas propuestas de reforma

We identify a number of elements of the current Spanish system of regional financing that do not conform satisfactorily to the principles of equity, autonomy and efficiency that should inspire its design. Our main conclusion is that although the system presents a series of shortcomings that would require an in-depth reform, its basic focus on the equalization of the service provision capacity of all regional governments should be preserved because it is in accordance with the constitutional guarantee of equal rights for all citizens and with notions of horizontal equity that are widely shared in our country. In fact, the main shortcoming of the system is, in our opinion, that it does not fully guarantee such equality in practice. Additional weaknesses of the system are its lack of transparency, the absence of mechanisms to maintain vertical equilibrium across the different levels of the administration and a significant deficit of fiscal autonomy and responsibility on the pa

Why the EU does not Have an Independent Competition Agency: French Interests and Transaction Costs in Early European Integration

A major achievement of new institutionalism in economics and political science is the formalisation of the idea that certain policies are more efficient when administered by a politically independent organisation. Based on this insight, several policy actors and scholars criticise the European Community for relying too much on a multi-task, collegial, and politicised organisation, the European Commission. This raises important questions, some constitutional (who should be able to change the corresponding procedural rules?) and some political-economic (is Europe truly committed to free and competitive markets?). Though acknowledging the relevance of legal and normative arguments, this paper contributes to the debate with a positive political-scientific perspective. Based on the view that institutional equilibria raise the question of equilibrium institutions, it shows that collegiality was (a) an equilibrium institution during the Paris negotiations of 1950-51; and (b) an institutional equilibrium for the following 50 years. The conclusion points to some recent changes in the way that European competition policy is implemented, and discusses how these affect the “constitutional” principle of collegial European governance.

Indigenous people's mobilization and their struggle for rights in Colombia

This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

La reincidència dels condemnats per delictes de violència de gènere a programes formatius aplicats des de l’execució penal a la comunitat

Aquesta és la segona part de l’estudi encarregat des de la Subdirecció General de Reparació i Execució Penal a la Comunitat que volia saber l’eficàcia dels programes formatius aplicats des de l’execució penal a la comunitat en delictes de violència de gènere. En aquesta segona part s’avalua el grau de satisfacció dels usuaris del programa aplicat quan ja fa una mitjana d’1 any que van acabar el seu contacte amb la Justícia. També s’ha seguit aquests subjectes a nivell de reincidència, per conèixer si consta a les bases policials noves denuncies per aquest o altres tipus de delictes. En total han estat 170 usuaris els participants en la recerca. També se’ls va trucar per telèfon i se’ls va passar una enquesta telefònica de percepció respecte la seva satisfacció amb els resultats del curs formatiu i d’altres aspectes de la seva vida actual.

La reincidencia de los condenados por delitos de violencia de género a programas formativos aplicados desde la ejecución penal en la comunidad

Esta es la segunda parte del estudio iniciado en el 2008 donde se ha evaluado la eficacia de los programas formativos a los que se condena determinados infractores de violencia de género. En esta segunda parte, se hace el seguimiento al cabo de 1 año de haber terminado la intervención de Justicia, para conocer si existe nueva reincidencia, entendida como nueva denuncia policial. También se ha conectado telefónicamente con los participantes en el estudio para conocer su valoración respecto la intervención de Justicia y su vida actual.

Revealing the dark side of traditional democracies in plurinational societies. The case of Catalonia and the Spanish “Estado de las Autonomías”

In this article, I firstly offer a synthesis of a brief set of analytical elements of the theory of democracy and federalism established in the recent debate which identify a number of flaws in the normative and institutional bases of plurinational democracies. It is necessary to overcome these flaws in order to achieve a true political and constitutional recognition and accommodation of the national pluralism of this kind of liberal democracies (section 1). Secondly, we will focus on the Spanish case of the “Estado de las Autonomías” taking into account the recent reform of the Catalan constitutional law (Estatut d’autonomia 2006) (section 2). A final section makes a number of concluding remarks relating the previously highlighted elements of the theory of democracy and federalism with the analysis of the Catalan case (section 3).

Recognition and political accommodation: from regionalism to secessionism. The Catalan case

Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts

Federalism and democracy. The case of minority nations: a federalist deficit

In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.

An axiomatization of the nucleolus of the assignment game

[cat] En el domini dels jocs bilaterals d’assignació, es presenta una axiomàtica del nucleolus com l´unica solució que compleix les propietats de consistència respecte del joc derivat definit per Owen (1992) i monotonia de les queixes dels sectors respecte de la seva cardinalitat. Com a conseqüència obtenim una caracterització geomètrica del nucleolus mitjançant una propietat de bisecció més forta que la que satisfan els punts del kernel (Maschler et al, 1979).

An axiomatization of the nucleolus of the assignment game

[cat] En el domini dels jocs bilaterals d’assignació, es presenta una axiomàtica del nucleolus com l´unica solució que compleix les propietats de consistència respecte del joc derivat definit per Owen (1992) i monotonia de les queixes dels sectors respecte de la seva cardinalitat. Com a conseqüència obtenim una caracterització geomètrica del nucleolus mitjançant una propietat de bisecció més forta que la que satisfan els punts del kernel (Maschler et al, 1979).

Las comunicaciones intestatales ante órganos judiciales o cuasi-judiciales de garantía de los derechos humanos: ¿un mecanismo útil en situaciones de crisis?

[spa] Como expresión de la naturaleza erga omnes de las obligaciones jurídicas relativas a la protección de derechos humanos, muchos tratados de derechos humanos que establecen órganos de expertos permiten a los Estados Parte presentar quejas ante dichos órganos contra otras Partes que no observan las obligaciones convencionales. Tales quejas interestatales son un mecanismo híbrido que busca controlar la aplicación del tratado, solucionar las controversias entre Estados Parte y/o prevenir esas controversias. En la práctica, no obstante, las quejas interestatales se interponen en raras ocasiones, principalmente por causa de su alto componente político, que hace que sean vistas como un acto inamistoso. Pese a este escaso uso, llama la atención que la mayoría de quejas interestatales presentadas hasta la fecha se hayan referido a situaciones excepcionales calificables de"crisis", lo que parece poner de manifiesto que este mecanismo podría ser particularmente útil para hacer frente a las violaciones de derechos humanos cometidas en períodos de excepcionalidad.

Libertad de cátedra del profesor universitario. Contenido y amenazas en el contexto actual de reforma del modelo de universidad pública

[spa] Asistimos, desde hace algunos años, a un proceso de profundos cambios en la Universidad. Reformas que no sólo están afectando, entre otros, a su financiación, a su gobierno y gestión o a la estructura de las enseñanzas que en ella se imparten. También, y de forma muy especial e intensa, se están proyectando en su profesorado modificando su proceso de selección y transformando su función docente. Precisamente, en relación con ésta última, el papel que está llamado a desempeñar el docente está garantizado por la Constitución que les reconoce el derecho fundamental a la libertad de cátedra. La proclamación al más alto nivel normativo de este derecho del profesor ha obligado a conjugarla con otros derechos, igualmente fundamentales, presentes en el sistema educativo, en especial, el de la educación, y con otras potestades que se encomiendan a poderes públicos y universidades derivadas de la concepción de la educación como un servicio público. No obstante, en la actualidad las amenazas que plantean las nuevas exigencias derivadas del EEES pueden suponer un paso más allá actuando en la misma esencia de contenido de la libertad de cátedra perdiendo su sentido originario y condicionando su ejercicio a límites no permitidos por el propio texto constitucional.