4 resultados para bourdieu

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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El model de classes de P. Bourdieu articula la dimensió objectiva —l’estructura de classe— i la dimensió subjectiva —l’acció de classe—. Aquesta anàlisi de classe forma part d’un debat al voltant de la naturalesa de la realitat social, en el qual el punt més important és la connexió del camp de la producció i del camp de la reproducció de subjectes. Bourdieu, en enfasitzar la condició relacional de l’àmbit social, defineix l’acció social com a dependent de l’estructura relacional, en existir una connexió lògica necessària entre la localització dels agents en un conjunt de relacions socials i els seus interessos, objectius i estratègies d’acció. Per tant, per a aquest autor, hi ha una eficàcia estructuradora de l’acció dels agents socials per l’estructura de classe, i es constitueix, així, en una matriu d’acció, o millor dit, en una estructura probabilística de l’acció. És, doncs, fonamental, considerar el paper de l’acció en la construcció de les classes en si, ja que les classes teòriques, agrupacions fictícies que només existeixen sobre el paper, estan predisposades a convertir-se en classes en el sentit marxista del terme. I sols es passa de la classe sobre el paper a clase real a costa d’una labor política de movilització. Així, l’existència de classes, tant en la teoria com en la realitat, és una aposta de lluites en existir un espai social, un espai de diferències, en el qual les classes existeixen en estat virtual, no com quelcom donat, sinó com quelcom que es tracta de construir.

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From an anthropological perspective, formal post-secondary schooling is not an abstractentity with an intrinsic value that everyone finds desirable, but rather one alternative among many that young people evaluate from their different positions in the social field. The problem discussed in this paper is the diverging life trajectories that young men and women in a concrete rural context, at the end of the 20th century, shape for themselves at the ages of 14-16, a moment of decision created by national legislation regarding mandatory education (LGE, 1970, General Education Law, and LOGSE, 1990, General Organic Law of the Education System). Despite a strong cultural norm of equal inheritance divided among all children, male and female, and despite the equal educational opportunities provided by the Spanish State, different meanings of possession and use-rights over land and the resulting culturally accepted gendered division of work converge to orient men and women differently towards post-secondary schooling. Observation of the age, gender, and civil status structure of the population led to the preliminary query: Why do men and women, in this town, behave differently with respect to migration and marriage? The main hypothesis was that women’s longer school trajectories and resulting migration and men’s anchoring in the town and their higher rates of celibacy were not drastic changes in values, in the positional-relational sense of Bourdieu (1988, 2002), but the current outcome of previously existing dissimilar relations to property that produce dissimilar mobility. Through their schooling and work choices, young men and women, at very early ages, locate themselves in, or decide to belong to, different contexts that later reveal very different possibilities of finding marriage partners. This paper is based on an ethnographic study of a small rural town (302 inhabitants in 1950; 193 in 2000) near Leon. Although this paper deals with the situation in the final decades of the 20th century, we must also consider the first half of the century, where some elements that shape this situation have their roots. Fieldwork was carried out between 1988 and 2001, in periods of differing length and intensity. The social subjects discussed here are the domestic unit and its component members. They were studied in conjunction, analyzing the life-trajectory decisions of specific persons in the framework of the domestic unit and the relations among people and property which comprise it. The tried-and-true methods of ethnographic research –participant observation, interviews, and life-histories, etc.- were employed. Archival research was also important for producing demographic data. Demographic analysis, the analysis of the composition and transformation of domestic units, and the creation of life trajectories were among the principal techniques used. The theoretical analysis was oriented by Bourdieu’s (2002) framework of the social field, habitus, and difference.

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My study is based on an ethnography of two groups of young people from working-class neighbourhoods in Barcelona. I was interested in researching the impact of Catalan language policies on the identities of young people of Spanish-speaking immigrant families. I sought to go beyond the constraints of traditional structuralist approaches in Sociolinguistics in order to make my analysis relevant to people working for gender equality, the promotion of the Catalan language, or other social causes. I combine ideas from Bakhtin, Bourdieu, Fairclough, Foucault and Goffman to build a dialectical, historical, process-centred perspective that conceptualises practices in terms of social and political struggles.I analyse young people's peer-group activities in terms of their significance for the construction of gender identities. I propose a variety of forms of masculinity and femininity according to the various ways in which members organised their gender displays in face-to-face interaction.I also show how their use of argot and dialectal Spanish was part of the processes whereby members defined their relationships, constructed particular subject positions in interaction and struggled to legitimate their own values.I explore the meanings constructed through Catalan and Spanish by looking into the code-switching practices of my participants. I analysed their talk in terms of narratives that present particular sequential dramatisations of events for conversational audiences. These narratives follow the expressive intention of the author, and are populated with multiple voices of animated characters. I argue that, in the groups I studied, Catalan was generally not used to animate the voices that were central to the identities of the peer-group, and particularly to masculine identities.In order to contextualise these practices within the wider society, I also look into the processes of language choice in face-to-face encounters. I argue that existing conventions made it difficult for people to find opportunities to speak Catalan. I also pointed to the difficulties that my participants had to find employment, which were particularly acute amongst the more politically aware individuals. I conclude that these young working-class people had little possibilities of investing in more egalitarian forms of identity given their lack of resources and opportunities to develop their identities in other social spaces, such as the workplace.

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Desde sus inicios, la comunicación fue un espacio de investigación diver - so, complejo, atravesado por múltiples influencias (sociológicas, políticas, económicas y semióticas). En ese contexto, la teoría de los campos (apun- talada por Pierre Bourdieu) brindó las posibilidades de estructuración y de autonomía, como mecanismo de reducir esa diversidad. Sin embargo, en estos años la heteronomía del campo, ha conducido a la comunicación 804 La investigación en Comunicación ante una encrucijada: ... - Víctor Silva Echeto, Jordi de San Eugenio Vela (como en el caso del arte u otras disciplinas) a influenciarse por contextos globales, inter y transdisciplinarios e intermediales (o transmediales), por tanto, no son los medios su objeto de investigación en sí mismos, sino una diversidad gnoseológica. En el artículo, se pone en discusión estos aspec- tos teóricos, contrastándolos con un estudio comparado –inicial– sobre la investigación en comunicación en España, Brasil y Chile, tres de los países con un mayor desarrollo en los últimos años.