An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Persecution perpetuated: The medieval origins of anti-semitic violence in Nazi Germany

How persistent are cultural traits? This paper uses data on anti-Semitism in Germany and finds continuity at the local level over more than half a millennium. When the Black Death hit Europe in 1348-50, killing between one third and one half of the population, its cause was unknown. Many contemporaries blamed the Jews. Cities all over Germany witnessed mass killings of their Jewish population. At the same time, numerous Jewish communities were spared these horrors. We use plague pogroms as an indicator for medieval anti-Semitism. Pogroms during the Black Death are a strong and robust predictor of violence against Jews in the 1920s, and of votes for the Nazi Party. In addition, cities that saw medieval anti-Semitic violence also had higher deportation rates for Jews after 1933, were more likely to see synagogues damaged or destroyed in the Night of Broken Glass in 1938, and their inhabitants wrote more anti-Jewish letters to the editor of the Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer.

Repensando la relación entre la ley y la violencia hacia las mujeres. Una aproximación a los discursos de los/las agentes del ámbito judicial en relación a la ley integral de violencia de género en España = Rethinking the relationship between law and violence against women. an approach to the juridical agents' discourses in relation to the integral law of gender-based violence

Of the many dimensions of the problem of violence exercised by men toward women in the context of the relations of partner or ex partner, this article deals with the analysis of the discursive productions of the institutional actors that are part of the judicial process. Our intention is to investigate the relationship between criminal law and gender-based violence starting from the implementation of the Law of Integral Gender-based Violence in Spain (LO. 1 / 2004) from a theoretical perspective which includes contributions from social psychology, and socio-legal feminism. We have approached the legal instrument - the Law of Integral Gender-based Violence - through the discourse of legal officers with a perspective that questions the values, so often proclaimed, of universality, objectivity and neutrality of the law

The Rise of democracy in Europe and the fight against mass poverty in Latin America: the implications for marxist thought of some recent mainstream papers

Recently a number of mainstream papers have treated the rise of democracy in 19th century Europe and its instability in Latin America in an eminently Marxist fashion. This paper sets out their implications for Marxist thought. With respect to Europe, Marx's emphasis on political action backed by the threat of violence is vindicated but his justification for socialism is not. With respect to Latin America, the unequal distribution of wealth is the cause of political instability that is, in turn, the root cause of mass poverty. In addition it is possible to explain some of the paradoxical characteristics of neo-liberalism and to make a weak argument for socialism in spite of its rejection in Europe.

Conflict prevention and decentralized governance: some remarks about the state of the art in theory and practice

Is there a link between decentralized governance and conflict prevention? This article tries to answer the question by presenting the state of the art of the intersection of both concepts. Provided that social conflict is inevitable and given the appearance of new threats and types of violence, as well as new demands for security based on people (human security), our societies should focus on promoting peaceful changes. Through an extensive analysis of the existing literature and the study of several cases, this paper suggests that decentralized governance can contribute to these efforts by transforming conflicts, bringing about power-sharing and inclusion incentives of minority groups. Albeit the complexity of assessing its impact on conflict prevention, it can be contended that decentralized governance might have very positive effects on the reduction of causes that bring about conflicts due to its ability to foster the creation of war/violence preventors. More specifically, this paper argues that decentralization can have a positive impact on the so-called triggers and accelerators (short- and medium-term causes).

Violence and Political Institutions in the Basque Country

A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism.

Violence and displacement. Evidence from the Spanish civil war (1936-1939)

This paper explores the relationship between violence and displacement during civil war focusing on two different forms of population movements (i.e. incoming and outgoing), and two different forms of violence (i.e. direct and indirect). The paper explores the relationship between displacement and violence at the local level in the context of a civil war fought conventionally using fine-grained data from 1,062 municipalities of the region of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). First, the paper suggests that exogenous and endogenous to the war factors combine to generate patterns of resettlement. Second, the evidence indicates that, in acivil war context, refugee flows and violence are interrelated in multiple ways: the arrival of internal refugees in a locality promotes the perpetration of direct violence against civilians; this, in turn, triggers the departure of people from the locality when the other group approaches. Third, indirect violence (i.e. bombings) shows to be the most significant factor accounting for external displacement at the local level, suggesting that bombing can serve as a strong signal for civilians of the type of armed group they are facing. Finally, the Spanish case suggests that the demographic changes provoked by displacement, combined with the lethality of the conflict, are likely to have long-term political consequences.

Violencia doméstica: sexo y género en las teorías psicosociales sobre la violencia. Hacia otras propuestas de comprensión e intervención = Domestic violence: sex and gender in psychosocial theories about violence. New approach to it comprehension and intervention

En el artículo se presenta la violencia doméstica como violencia política de género masculino. Se señalan el individualismo, la naturalización y el sexismo en el tratamiento de la violencia y la agresión así como de la identidad, por parte de la psicología tradicional, como factores que dificultan las intervenciones en la violencia doméstica. Los prejuicios, valores y estrategias de la sociedad patriarcal continúan influyendo en ellas. Desde la psicología crítica feminista se propone: a) una comprensión de la subjetividad, la diferencia sexo-género y la violencia como construcciones sociales; b) intervenciones menos autoritarias y que no participen en la reproducción del orden social; c) la incorporación de las resistencias desarrolladas; d) un análisis basado en las relaciones de poder y las prácticas discursivas

Voces del pasado, ecos del presente. la Red de Trabajo Contra la Violencia Sobre las Mujeres en Tiempos de Guerra y su labor en la sociedad japonesa

Gracias al trabajo de las redes transnacionales de defensa los marcos legales internacionales se han adaptado a las nuevas dimensiones que han alcanzado los conflictos armados en los últimos veinte años. Esta investigación estudia el papel de la Violence Against Women in War Network, Japan y del Women's Active Museum on War and Peace, como ejemplos de cómo los actores no gubernamentales pueden sensibilizar y transformar las normas nacionales e internacionales, el comportamiento de los Estados, los organismos supraestatales y a la sociedad en la que desarrollan su labor

Predicció de violència contra les dones. Adaptació de la SARA (Avaluació del risc de violència de parella)

La importància de la prevenció de la violència contra les dones ha fet del tot necessari disposar de procediments i tècniques de predicció de la violència, ja que per fer una prevenció adequada cal valorar el risc que succeeixin actes violents. La SARA és un instrument útil en la predicció de la violència contra la parella sentimental que consta de 20 ítems o factors de risc. Aquesta investigació tracta sobre l’adaptació de la SARA a la nostra realitat poblacional. La mostra seleccionada ha estat 102 parelles, les quals han estat usuàries de l’Equip d’Assessorament Tècnic Penal de Barcelona de la Generalitat de Catalunya. Se’ls ha administrat la SARA i un protocol extens de més de 200 ítems relacionats, tots ells, amb factors de risc estudiats en altres investigacions. Els resultats obtinguts indiquen que les dones que viuen separades de la seva parella abans de l’índex offense tenen major probabilitat d’informar de fets violents que aquelles que viuen amb la seva parella. Alhora, els resultats mostren que la violència contra les dones és crònica i repetitiva, ja que un 73,5% de les víctimes afirmava haver estat agredida físicament abans de la denúncia interposada. Pel que fa a la puntuació final de la SARA, podem concloure que la mitjana dels agressors de la mostra estudiada ha estat de 19,58, i tots els agressors que havien obtingut una puntuació total per sobre d’aquesta mitjana augmentava gairebé 6 vegades la probabilitat de ser reincident en un futur. Del total d’agressors, un 60% han estat reincidents, i la valoració global obtinguda amb la SARA va ser la variable amb major capacitat predictiva, classificant correctament el 85% dels reincidents i el 72% dels no reincidents.

Predicción de violencia contra las mujeres. Adaptación de la SARA (Evaluación del riesgo de violencia de pareja)

La SARA es un buen instrumento para la predicción de violencia contra la pareja, convirtiéndose en la mejor estrategia profesional para reducir el impacto de la violencia antes que esta suceda, tal y como han indicado los resultados de esta investigación.

La tutela cautelar de les víctimes de violència de gènere

Aquest projecte de recerca té com a objecte l'anàlisi de les línies bàsiques de la Llei orgànica 1/2004, de 28 de desembre, de mesures de protecció integral contra la violència de gènere i, més concretament, de la regulació de la tutela cautelar de les víctimes d'aquest tipus de violència. Quant a la regulació de les mesures de protecció que podrà adoptar el Jutge de violència de gènere, s'ha optat per la seva inclusió expressa, ja que no es troben recollides com a mesures cautelars a la Llei d'enjudiciament criminal, que només regula la prohibició de residència i la de poder anar a un determinat lloc pels delictes recollits a l'art. 57 del Codi penal (article 544 bis LECrim, introduït per la Llei orgànica 14/1999). Malgrat els dubtes envers la naturalesa jurídica d'aquestes mesures, és clar que també persegueixen el fi típic de les mesures cautelars clàssiques, encara que de forma tangencial: assegurar el desenvolupament amb èxit del judici oral, mantenint allunyada a la víctima tan de nous actes violents com d'amenaces dirigides a assolir una retractació del seu inicial testimoni. Es tracta, doncs, de "mesures cautelars" (personals) que incideixen sobre la llibertat de l'imputat (restringint la seva llibertat de circulació i de residència), que tenen com a pressupostos tant el fumus boni iuris (judici de probabilitat del jutge), com el periculum in mora (entès més aviat com a periculum libertatis o periculum in damno), i que responen a les característiques d'instrumentalitat, provisionalitat, jurisdiccionalitat, oficialitat, revocabilitat i homogeneïtat (però no identitat) amb les mesures executives. D'altra banda, també s'afegeix la possibilitat que qualsevol d'aquestes mesures de protecció pugui ser utilitzada com a mesura de seguretat, des del principi o al llarg de l'execució de la sentència, incrementant-se així la llista de l'art. 105 del Codi penal, i possibilitant al jutge la garantia de protecció de les víctimes més enllà de la finalització del procés.

Menores, educación y conflicto armado: un análisis desde la realidad africana 15 años después del Informe Machel

Si bien en los últimos años África Subsahariana ha registrado un notable descenso del número de conflictos armados, un buen número de países sigue padeciendo las consecuencias de la violencia armada, especialmente algunos contextos como el de la República Democrática del Congo, la región de Darfur (oeste de Sudán) o Somalia, por citar algunos ejemplos. Tal y como desde el ámbito institucional (Naciones Unidas u ONG) o el académico llevan señalando desde hace varios años, la principal víctima de la violencia suele ser la población civil, principalmente los menores y las mujeres. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el impacto que los conflictos armados africanos tienen en la infancia y en aspectos tan importantes como su educación. Este objeto de estudio cuenta en los últimos años con un importante referente como fue la publicación en el año 1996 del denominado «Informe Machel». Quince años después de la aparición de este documento, resulta de interés hacer un pequeño balance sobre algunos de los avances, déficits y principales retos de la protección de los menores en conflictos armados.

State capacity and military conflict

In 1500, Europe was composed of hundreds of statelets and principalities, with weak central authority,no monopoly over the legitimate use of violence, and overlapping jurisdictions. By 1800, only ahandful of powerful, centralized nation states remained. We build a model that explains both the emergenceof capable states and growing divergence between European powers. We argue that the impactof war was crucial for state building, and depended on: i) the financial cost of war, and ii) a country sinitial level of domestic political fragmentation. We emphasize the role of the "Military Revolution",which raised the cost of war. Initially, this caused more cohesive states to invest in state capacity, whilemore divided states rationally dropped out of the competition, causing divergence between Europeanstates. As the cost of war escalated further, all states engaged in a "race to the top" towards greater statebuilding.

Carnatic music: Svara, Gamaka, Motif and Raga identity

Over the last century in Karnatik music, the method ofunderstanding raga has been to break it down into its variouscomponents, svara, scale, gamaka, and phrases. In this paper, an attempt is made to define the abstract concept of raga in its entirety within the aesthetics of Karnatik music considering the various components and their symbiotic relationship. This paper also attempts to prove that theidentity of a raga exists as a whole. Section 2 explains theconcept of a fundamental musical note or svara. Section 3 illustrates the concept of gamaka or inflections. Section 4 delves into the concept of raga in detail and then flows into Section 5 which enunciates the identity of a raga in terms of svara, gamaka, and phraseology. The paper concludes in Section 6, and Section 7 gives the references.