Nuclear Weapons as Symbols. The Role of Norms in Nuclear Policy Making

Throughout history, nuclear weapons have been considered to be the ultimate weapons. This understanding largely detached them from the portfolio of conventional military means and assigned them a symbolic meaning that influenced the identity and norms creation of nations. In most countries today, the development of nuclear weapons is considered morally prohibitive, incompatible with a country’s identity and international outlook. In some states, however, these negative norms are overridden by a positive set of norms, causing nuclear weapons to become either symbols of invulnerability to perceived threats or the regalia of major power status. Main purpose of this paper is to explore on the conditions that cause most states to develop a moral aversion to nuclear weapons, yet effectively lead to their glorification in others. Many studies on the normative understanding of nuclear weapons consider the existence of a negative normative predisposition, often referred to as ‘nuclear taboo’, as a major factor in preventing their acquisition and use. Other studies acknowledge the existence of a nuclear taboo inhibiting the use of nuclear weapons, but point to the existence of the opposing effect of norms, frequently referred to as the ‘nuclear myth’, when it comes to the acquisition of nuclear weapons. This myth emerges when certain symbolic meanings are attached to nuclear weapons, such as a state’s identity, self-image, and its desired position in the international system. With 180 odd countries in the world abstaining from the acquisition of nuclear weapons and 8 countries in possession of them (with two further countries assumed to have pursued their acquisition), one might consider the dominance of the nuclear taboo over the nuclear myth to be the rule. The core question is thus why and how this relationship reversed in the case of defectors.

Banning Obsolete Weapons or Reshaping Perceptions of Military Utility: Discursive Dynamics in Weapons Prohibitions

The paper focuses on the argumentative process through which new international norms prohibiting the use of weapons causing severe civilian harm emerge. It examines the debate surrounding the use and usefulness of landmines and cluster munitions and traces the process through which NGOs change conceptions of military utility and effectiveness of certain weapons by highlighting their humanitarian problems and questioning their military value. By challenging military thinking on these issues, NGOs redefine the terms of the debate – from a commonplace practice, the use of such weapons becomes controversial and military decisions need to be justified. The argument-counterargument dynamic shifts the burden of proof of the necessity and safety of the weapons to the users. The process witnesses the ability of NGOs to influence debates on military issues despite their disadvantaged position in hard security issue areas. It also challenges realist assumptions that only weapons that are obsolete or low-cost force equalizers for weak actors can be banned. To the contrary, the paper shows that in the case of landmines and cluster munitions, defining the military (in)effectiveness of the weapons is part and parcel of the struggle for their prohibition.

The Role of the European Union in the Processes to Ban Cluster Munitions

At the end of 2008 the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) that outlawed almost all types of cluster munitions was signed. It was the product of the so-called Oslo process, which had been set up two years earlier as a reaction to the failure to add a new protocol banning cluster munitions to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW). The position of the EU in these two processes was ambivalent: on the one hand it belonged to the strongest proponents for a new protocol within the CCW, but on the other hand the member states were in general not able to act jointly in the Oslo Process. According to this working paper especially the aspect of national security and the related relationship to the United States influenced the stances of many member states and complicated the formation of a common European position. There were common normative values of the EU detected, which played a role in the CCW, but they were only secondary to other interests of the member states.

Evaluating antitrust leniency programs

This paper identifies and then quantifies econometrically the impact of leniency programs on the perception of the effectiveness of antitrust policies using country level panel data for a 10-year span. Leniency programs have been introduced gradually in antitrust legislation across the globe to fight more effectively against cartels. We use the dynamics of the diffusion of such policy innovation across countries and over time to evaluate the impact of the program. We find that leniency programs have had a significant impact on the perception among the business community of the effectiveness of each country‟s antitrust policy. Leniency programs have become weapons of mass dissuasion in the hands of antitrust enforcers against the more damaging forms of explicit collusion among rival firms in the market place.

Companies in Conflict Situations: Advancing the Research Agenda. Seminar proceedings. Barcelona, october 2011

Seminar proceedings about the Seminar “Companies in Confict Situations”, organized by ICIP, with the aim of reflecting on the causes, the dynamics and the consequences of the participation of companies in armed conflicts. Over thirty international experts will be participating in the conferences to analyze the role and responsibilities of companies in connection with the international arms market (especially regarding small arms, light weapons and conventional weapons), the provision of military and security services, and the exploitation of, and trade in, natural resources.

Sant Julià de Ramis y Puig Rom: dos ejemplos de yacimientos con armamento y equipamiento militar visigodo en el noreste peninsular

We present in this work a couple of weapons and objects related to the military equipment of early VIII century from two sites on Girona's province: the castellum of Sant Julià de Ramis (in the municipality of the same name), and the fort of Puig Rom (in Roses). The comparation of these materials has permitted to recompose a quite complete panoply with various types of knives and daggers, shield-handles, axes, spearheads and javelinheads, tips (regatones), arrowheads, belt-buckles and some buckles and horse harness elements

El armamento de hierro de Capsech (Olot, Gerona)

En el Museo Municipal de O1ot se hallan agrupadas en una misma vitrina armas de hierro de diversas épocas y procedencias.! El lote principal lo forman los materiales de la necrópolis de incineración de Capsech, situada en el Pla de Gibrella, Vall de Vianya, a unos 24 Km. al norte de la ciudad de Olot. Este yacimiento fue hallado en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y no se han realizado, desde entonces, excavaciones en este lugar.

Free Open Source Software and Dual-Use: Loophole or Dissent?

The Free Open Source Software (FOSS) seem far from the military field but in some cases, some technologies normally used for civilian purposes may have military applications. These products and technologies are called dual-use. Can we manage to combine FOSS and dual-use products? On one hand, we have to admit that this kind of association exists - dual-use software can be FOSS and many examples demonstrate this duality - but on the other hand, dual-use software available under free licenses lead us to ask many questions. For example, the dual-use export control laws aimed at stemming the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Dual-use export in United States (ITAR) and Europe (regulation 428/2009) implies as a consequence the prohibition or regulation of software exportation, involving the closing of source code. Therefore, the issues of exported softwares released under free licenses arises. If software are dual-use goods and serve for military purposes, they may represent a danger. By the rights granted to licenses to run, study, redistribute and distribute modified versions of the software, anyone can access the free dual-use software. So, the licenses themselves are not at the origin of the risk, it is actually linked to the facilitated access to source codes. Seen from this point of view, it goes against the dual-use regulation which allows states to control these technologies exportation. For this analysis, we will discuss about various legal questions and draft answers from either licenses or public policies in this respect.

Campesinos, Estado y mercado. La conflictividad forestal en el Noroeste de España, León (1870­ ¿1936)

Peer-reviewed