26 resultados para Violence in sports.
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
Resumo:
The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.
Resumo:
The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence.
Resumo:
This paper provides empirical evidence of the persistent effect of exposure to political violence on humancapital accumulation. I exploit the variation in conflict location and birth cohorts to identify the longandshort-term effects of the civil war on educational attainment. Conditional on being exposed toviolence, the average person accumulates 0.31 less years of education as an adult. In the short-term,the effects are stronger than in the long-run; these results hold when comparing children within thesame household. Further, exposure to violence during early childhood leads to permanent losses. I alsoexplore the potential causal mechanisms.
Resumo:
How persistent are cultural traits? This paper uses data on anti-Semitism in Germany and finds continuity at the local level over more than half a millennium. When the Black Death hit Europe in 1348-50, killing between one third and one half of the population, its cause was unknown. Many contemporaries blamed the Jews. Cities all over Germany witnessed mass killings of their Jewish population. At the same time, numerous Jewish communities were spared these horrors. We use plague pogroms as an indicator for medieval anti-Semitism. Pogroms during the Black Death are a strong and robust predictor of violence against Jews in the 1920s, and of votes for the Nazi Party. In addition, cities that saw medieval anti-Semitic violence also had higher deportation rates for Jews after 1933, were more likely to see synagogues damaged or destroyed in the Night of Broken Glass in 1938, and their inhabitants wrote more anti-Jewish letters to the editor of the Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer.
Resumo:
Under what conditions will a bystander intervene to try to stop a violent attack by one person on another? It is generally believed that the greater the size of the crowd of bystanders, the less the chance that any of them will intervene. A complementary model is that social identity is critical as an explanatory variable. For example, when the bystander shares common social identity with the victim the probability of intervention is enhanced, other things being equal. However, it is generally not possible to study such hypotheses experimentally for practical and ethical reasons. Here we show that an experiment that depicts a violent incident at life-size in immersive virtual reality lends support to the social identity explanation. 40 male supporters of Arsenal Football Club in England were recruited for a two-factor between-groups experiment: the victim was either an Arsenal supporter or not (in-group/out-group), and looked towards the participant for help or not during the confrontation. The response variables were the numbers of verbal and physical interventions by the participant during the violent argument. The number of physical interventions had a significantly greater mean in the ingroup condition compared to the out-group. The more that participants perceived that the Victim was looking to them for help the greater the number of interventions in the in-group but not in the out-group. These results are supported by standard statistical analysis of variance, with more detailed findings obtained by a symbolic regression procedure based on genetic programming. Verbal interventions made during their experience, and analysis of post-experiment interview data suggest that in-group members were more prone to confrontational intervention compared to the out-group who were more prone to make statements to try to diffuse the situation.
Resumo:
A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism.
Resumo:
Of the many dimensions of the problem of violence exercised by men toward women in the context of the relations of partner or ex partner, this article deals with the analysis of the discursive productions of the institutional actors that are part of the judicial process. Our intention is to investigate the relationship between criminal law and gender-based violence starting from the implementation of the Law of Integral Gender-based Violence in Spain (LO. 1 / 2004) from a theoretical perspective which includes contributions from social psychology, and socio-legal feminism. We have approached the legal instrument - the Law of Integral Gender-based Violence - through the discourse of legal officers with a perspective that questions the values, so often proclaimed, of universality, objectivity and neutrality of the law
Resumo:
This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.
Resumo:
The aim of this study is to provide an instrument for measuring service quality in sports enterprises from the point of view of the customers. For this purpose we intend to elaborate an enquiry starting out from a more general scale called SERVIQUAL. We have limited our research project to sports enterprises where the customer participates actively, i.e., we have excluded sports clubs and other organizations which offer sport as entertainment. Our choice is mainly due to the fact that few studies have been carried out in this area and that sports has been earning an increasing amount of adepts during the last decades in Spain. The DELPHI method has been applied with the collaboration of a panel of experts in order to evaluate the viability and adequacy of the modified SERVQUAL scale.
Resumo:
This paper reviews experimental methods for the study of the responses of people to violence in digital media, and in particular considers the issues of internal validity and ecological validity or generalisability of results to events in the real world. Experimental methods typically involve a significant level of abstraction from reality, with participants required to carry out tasks that are far removed from violence in real life, and hence their ecological validity is questionable. On the other hand studies based on fi eld data, while having ecological validity, cannot control multiple confounding variables that may have an impact on observed results, so that their internal validity is questionable. It is argued that immersive virtual reality may provide a unifi cation of these two approaches. Since people tend to respond realistically to situations and events that occur in virtual reality, and since virtual reality simulations can be completely controlled for experimental purposes, studies of responses to violence within virtual reality are likely to have both ecological and internal validity. This depends on a property that we call"plausibility"- including the fi delity of the depicted situation with prior knowledge and expectations. We illustrate this with data from a previously published experiment, a virtual reprise of Stanley Milgram"s 1960s obedience experiment, and also with pilot data from a new study being developed that looks at bystander responses to violent incidents.
Resumo:
This text corresponds to the contents of the seminar “Information Services at the Sport Institutions” held by the author as part of the programme of activities of the Invited Professor of Olympism of the International Chair in Olympism (IOC-UAB) in 2001. The seminar discusses the potential of technologies such as the Internet in sports documentation.
Resumo:
La investigación aborda el problema de la violencia de género dentro de la pareja en mujeres inmigrantes. El objetivo es conocer el impacto de los dispositivos sociolegales sobre las propias mujeres inmigrantes, a la vez que se conoce como el fenómeno de la inmigración ha influido en las prácticas institucionales. Los resultados indican efectos de protección y a la vez efectos perversos en los dispositivos sociolegales que se cuidan de las mujeres inmigradas. Se hacen propuestas para una intervención más situada y reflexiva.
Resumo:
La Llei Integral de Mesures contra la Violència de Gènere estableix una sèrie de mesures legislatives que tenen per objecte el reconeixement dels drets de les víctimes de la violència, enfortir la sensibilitat ciutadana davant de la violència de gènere, instaurar un sistema de serveis socials d’atenció i de recuperació de les víctimes, garantir els seus drets econòmics i laborals, instaurar un sistema institucional de tutela, determinar un marc penal i processal i garantir la coordinació de tots aquells recursos que es dediquen a aquesta qüestió. Conscients de la importància d’aquesta Llei, de les dificultats que deriven de la seva aplicació, així com de la nostra experiència en la pràctica forense en casos de violència domèstica i de gènere, neix la idea de realitzar la recerca d’aquest estudi. Una recerca que pretén establir, a partir de l’anàlisi dels relats de dones víctimes de violència de gènere en la relació de parella, criteris de credibilitat que permetin validar les seves declaracions. Criteris obtinguts a partir de les mateixes paraules de les víctimes. Partint d’una metodologia mixta, quantitativa i qualitativa, hem obtingut uns resultats que ens han permès definir un sistema de criteris de credibilitat genuïns i discriminadors. Una discriminació obtinguda a partir de la comparació de les declaracions de dues mostres: víctimes reals i víctimes simulades. I, fruit d’aquesta comparació, la discontinuïtat narrativa, els detalls estranys, la reproducció de converses, les correccions espontànies, l’ambivalència i ambigüitat vers l’agressor, la violència indirecta, suscitant por i terror, la por a les represàlies, la imposició i intimitat del secret, la indefensió, l’evolució de la violència i progressió de la asimetria de poder, la dualitat de la conducta domèstica / imatge social de l’home, el control ampli masculí cognitiu-conductual, la descripció contextualitzada de microviolències, les estratègies de supervivència de la dona i el relat inhibit amb vergonya, han resultat criteris de credibilitat de les dones víctimes de violència de gènere que ens permetran validar el seu relat.
Resumo:
Esta investigación contrasta los relatos de dos muestras de mujeres. La primera, víctimas reales de violencia de género en la relación de pareja; la segunda, deliberadamente ofrecen relatos falsos sobre esta misma problemática. Los resultados muestran una diferencia cualitativa significativa en base a los criterios de credibilidad definidos. Al mismo tiempo, el estudio ha encontrado otros criterios de credibilidad genuinos, que conforman el discurso explicativo que permite validar sus declaraciones.
Resumo:
L’estudi vol fer una prospecció quantitativa i qualitativa en relació a l’impacte en el sistema penal i penitenciari català de l’aplicació de la Llei Orgànica 1/2004 de Mesures de Protecció Integral contra la violència de gènere en la seva vessant de tutela penal, i emmarcat en l’àmbit de Catalunya. A l’estudi es recull l’opinió de diversos serveis i operadors que actuen al voltant del sistema penal i penitenciari a Catalunya, per tal de fer una primera aproximació a l’impacte dels nous dispositius legislatius i jurisdiccionals. Aquesta aproximació és una radiografia actualitzada del que està suposant la posada en marxa de la legislació vigent i l’abast de l’abordatge penal i penitenciari de la violència domèstica / de gènere. La recerca recull també l’opinió de les víctimes i, com a contrast, la dels condemnats per violència contra les dones, a partir del buidatge de 58 entrevistes realitzades a 30 víctimes i 28 agressors. D’aquests, la meitat ingressats a presó i l’altra meitat amb mesures penals alternatives. La recerca finalitza fent tot un seguit de recomanacions finals per millorar l’atenció efectiva i integral a la víctima de violència de gènere.