Violence and Political Institutions in the Basque Country

A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism.

Violence and displacement. Evidence from the Spanish civil war (1936-1939)

This paper explores the relationship between violence and displacement during civil war focusing on two different forms of population movements (i.e. incoming and outgoing), and two different forms of violence (i.e. direct and indirect). The paper explores the relationship between displacement and violence at the local level in the context of a civil war fought conventionally using fine-grained data from 1,062 municipalities of the region of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). First, the paper suggests that exogenous and endogenous to the war factors combine to generate patterns of resettlement. Second, the evidence indicates that, in acivil war context, refugee flows and violence are interrelated in multiple ways: the arrival of internal refugees in a locality promotes the perpetration of direct violence against civilians; this, in turn, triggers the departure of people from the locality when the other group approaches. Third, indirect violence (i.e. bombings) shows to be the most significant factor accounting for external displacement at the local level, suggesting that bombing can serve as a strong signal for civilians of the type of armed group they are facing. Finally, the Spanish case suggests that the demographic changes provoked by displacement, combined with the lethality of the conflict, are likely to have long-term political consequences.

Relationship between oral cancer and implants: clinical cases and systematic literature review

The use of implants for oral rehabilitation of edentulous spaces has recently been on the increase, which has also led to an increase in complications such as peri-implant inflammation or peri-implantitis. Chronic inflammation is a risk factor for developing oral squamous cell carcinoma (OSCC). Objectives: To review the literature of cases that associate implant placement with the development of oral cancer. Study design: We present two clinical cases and a systematic review of literature published on the relationship between oral cancer and implants. Results: We found 13 articles published between the years 1996 and 2009, referencing 18 cases in which the osseointegrated implants are associated with oral squamous cell carcinoma. Of those, 6 articles were excluded because they did not meet the inclusion criteria. Of the 18 cases reported, only 7 cases did not present a previous history of oral cancer or cancer in other parts of the body. Conclusions: Based on the review of these cases, a clear cause-effect relationship cannot be established, although it can be deduced that there is a possibility that implant treatment may constitute an irritant and/or inflammatory cofactor which contributes to the formation and/or development of OSCC.

Peacetime Violence in El Salvador and Honduras: A tale of two countries

The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence.

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Violencia doméstica: sexo y género en las teorías psicosociales sobre la violencia. Hacia otras propuestas de comprensión e intervención = Domestic violence: sex and gender in psychosocial theories about violence. New approach to it comprehension and intervention

En el artículo se presenta la violencia doméstica como violencia política de género masculino. Se señalan el individualismo, la naturalización y el sexismo en el tratamiento de la violencia y la agresión así como de la identidad, por parte de la psicología tradicional, como factores que dificultan las intervenciones en la violencia doméstica. Los prejuicios, valores y estrategias de la sociedad patriarcal continúan influyendo en ellas. Desde la psicología crítica feminista se propone: a) una comprensión de la subjetividad, la diferencia sexo-género y la violencia como construcciones sociales; b) intervenciones menos autoritarias y que no participen en la reproducción del orden social; c) la incorporación de las resistencias desarrolladas; d) un análisis basado en las relaciones de poder y las prácticas discursivas

Aggressivity, violence, sociability and conflict resolution: What genes can tell us.

Conflicts are inherent to the human condition, as they are for all living beings. Disputes about resources or access to mating partners are among the most common causes of conflict. Conflict is herein defined as a struggle or contest between individuals or parties, and may involve a variety of aggressive behaviours. In humans, aggressiveness, violence and conflicts, including individual predisposal to conflict resolution, have traditionally been said to have deep cultural roots, but recent research in both neuroscience and genetics has shown the influence of genes on such complex behavioural traits. In this paper, recent data on the genetic aspects of these interrelated behaviours will be put together, including the effects of particular genes, the influence of stress and gender on gene regulation, and gene-environment interactions, all of which may influence biological predisposal to conflict resolution. Other genetically influenced behavioural aspects involved in conflicts and conflict resolution, such as sociability, will also be discussed. The importance of taking into account genetic and biological data to provide strategies for conflict resolution will be highlighted.

Land, technical progress and the falling rate of profit

The paper sets out a one sector growth model with a neoclassical production function in land and a capital-labour aggregate. Capital accumulates through capitalist saving, the labour supply is infinitely elastic at a subsistence wage and all factors may experience factor augmenting technical progress. The main result is that, if the elasticity of substitution between land and the capital-labour aggregate is less than one and if the rate of caital augmenting technical progress is strictly positive, then the rate of profit will fall to zero. The surprise is that this result holds regardless of the rate of land augmenting technical progress; that is, no amount of technical advance in agriculture can stop the fall in the rate of profit. The paper also discusses the relation of this result to the classical and Marxist literature and sets out the path of the relative price of land.

The analysis of the framing processes of the Basque peace movement: The way Lokarri and Gesto por la Paz changed society

During more than 20 years organisations like Gesto por la Paz and Lokarri had been trying to change the social approach to violence, instilling values of peace and dialogue. This working paper defends the idea that the work of these two organisations is key to understand the end of ETA violence and the lack of support that political violence has in the Basque Country. It develops the Basque peace frame generated by this movement and explains how this frame is present in the different levels of Basque society, changing the way political collective identities are negotiated in the Basque Country. Ultimately, their effort is to propose another way of doing politics, one where nationalism and violence are not intrinsically united, escaping from the polarization and confrontation that were in place during the 80s-90s.

State capacity and military conflict

In 1500, Europe was composed of hundreds of statelets and principalities, with weak central authority,no monopoly over the legitimate use of violence, and overlapping jurisdictions. By 1800, only ahandful of powerful, centralized nation states remained. We build a model that explains both the emergenceof capable states and growing divergence between European powers. We argue that the impactof war was crucial for state building, and depended on: i) the financial cost of war, and ii) a country sinitial level of domestic political fragmentation. We emphasize the role of the "Military Revolution",which raised the cost of war. Initially, this caused more cohesive states to invest in state capacity, whilemore divided states rationally dropped out of the competition, causing divergence between Europeanstates. As the cost of war escalated further, all states engaged in a "race to the top" towards greater statebuilding.

Enforcement problems and secondary markets

There is a large and growing literature that studies the effects of weak enforcement institutions on economic performance. This literature has focused almost exclusively on primary markets, in which assets are issued and traded to improve the allocation of investment and consumption. The general conclusion is that weak enforcement institutions impair the workings of these markets, giving rise to various inefficiencies.But weak enforcement institutions also create incentives to develop secondary markets, in which the assets issued in primary markets are retraded. This paper shows that trading in secondary markets counteracts the effects of weak enforcement institutions and, in the absence of further frictions, restores efficiency.

Reply to "Comment on 'Nature and entropy content of the ordering transitions in RCo2'"

In the previous Comment, Forker and co-workers claim that perturbed angular correlation (PAC) data leave no alternative to the conclusion that the spontaneous magnetization of PrCo2 and NdCo2 undergoes a discontinuous, first-order phase transition at TC. We show here that their claim is in clear contradiction with a wealth of experimental evidence, including our own. Finally, we propose a possible origin for the disagreement between their interpretation of the PAC results and the literature on this subject.

Contemporary engagements within corridors of the past: temporal elasticity, graffiti, and the materiality of St. Rock Street, Barcelona

In a medieval Barcelonan side-street, urine, rubbish, and a bewildering array of graphic imagery splatters the narrowing walls between two major thoroughfares. A contemporary conflict between residents, unknown artists and others is played out using banners, bottles, stickers, posters, stencils, spray paint, and bodily substances. In this shadowed liminality, local and global debates are superimposed upon substructures constructed from disease, prostitution, and the Saint of the Plague. The continuing urban struggle constitutes temporal statements of dirt and purity, violence and humour, dominance and resistance, death and salvation. Like the renovated facades masking the crumbling remains of structures long neglected, the government’s literal whitewashing of the art is a temporal cover-up of a discursive symptom stretching from deeply embedded preconditions. However, from his niche in the angular bend of the alley bearing his name, the statue of St. Rock remains unblinkingly staring, raised above the contestations expressed below.

In a better world (2011): the ethics of a doctor facing violence

The main theme"In a Better World" (S. Bier, 2011), is violence and its possible answers: forgiveness and revenge. The film revolves around a doctor Anton who works in a refugee camp in sub-Saharan Africa. His family lives in a quiet village in Denmark, where his teenage son suffers bullying at school. This movie shows the fragility of a modern society, normal in appearance but with deep fissures that reflect the tragedies plaguing much of the African continent. It helps to understand the reality experienced by more than 10 million refugees and 15 million internally displaced persons surviving in sub-Saharan Africa. Hævnen, the original title whose meaning in Spanish is revenge, invites reflection on another possible response to violence-forgiveness. It is an excellent film for teaching and learning issues related to humanitarian work developed by health professionals in refugee camps around world.

In a better world (2011): the ethics of a doctor facing violence

The main theme"In a Better World" (S. Bier, 2011), is violence and its possible answers: forgiveness and revenge. The film revolves around a doctor Anton who works in a refugee camp in sub-Saharan Africa. His family lives in a quiet village in Denmark, where his teenage son suffers bullying at school. This movie shows the fragility of a modern society, normal in appearance but with deep fissures that reflect the tragedies plaguing much of the African continent. It helps to understand the reality experienced by more than 10 million refugees and 15 million internally displaced persons surviving in sub-Saharan Africa. Hævnen, the original title whose meaning in Spanish is revenge, invites reflection on another possible response to violence-forgiveness. It is an excellent film for teaching and learning issues related to humanitarian work developed by health professionals in refugee camps around world.