46 resultados para Unintentional Violent Harm

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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El desplaçament de poblacions a causa de conflictes violents s’ha convertit en una de les principals preocupacions humanitàries de les últimes dècades. També s’ha convertit en un assumpte polític de gran rellevància, que és percebut com un llast (en termes econòmics i de seguretat), però també com a peça important en la transició cap a un intervencionisme més gran en el sistema internacional, tant des d’una base humanitària com de seguretat. La importància d’aquests aspectes ha desviat l’atenció de l’anàlisi de les interaccions entre els processos de desplaçament i els conflictes violents que els provoquen. La literatura sobre els conflictes violents ha obviat aquestes interaccions, degut principalment a que els processos de desplaçament són considerats com meres reaccions definides per condicions estructurals. Aquest article parteix de la premissa que l’individu reté la seva capacitat decisiva en aquests processos i que es tracta d’una capacitat que té conseqüències. Per tant, és necessari introduir en l’anàlisi una perspectiva a nivell micro. Partint d’aquesta premissa, el text presenta un model de la decisió de retorn a nivell individual i també a nivell agregat. A més, permet identificar interconnexions fonamentals d’aquestes dinàmiques amb els conflictes violents. Finalment, l’article ofereix algunes conclusions rellevants per al cas de Bòsnia-Herzegovina i sobre les implicacions de la politització del retorn.

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Populations displaced as a result of mass violent conflict have become one of the most pressing humanitarian concerns of the last decades. They have also become one salient political issue as a perceived burden (in economic and security terms) and as an important piece in the shift towards a more interventionist paradigm in the international system, based on both humanitarian and security grounds. The saliency of these aspects has detracted attention from the analysis of the interactions between relocation processes and violent conflict. Violent conflict studies have also largely ignored those interactions as a result of the consideration of these processes as mere reaction movements determined by structural conditions. This article takes the view that individual’s agency is retained during such processes, and that it is consequential, calling for the need to introduce a micro perspective. Based on this, a model for the individual’s decision of return is presented. The model has the potential to account for the dynamics of return at both the individual and the aggregate level. And it further helps to grasp fundamental interconnections with violent conflict. Some relevant conclusions are derived for the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina and about the implications of the politicization of return.

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This paper reviews experimental methods for the study of the responses of people to violence in digital media, and in particular considers the issues of internal validity and ecological validity or generalisability of results to events in the real world. Experimental methods typically involve a significant level of abstraction from reality, with participants required to carry out tasks that are far removed from violence in real life, and hence their ecological validity is questionable. On the other hand studies based on fi eld data, while having ecological validity, cannot control multiple confounding variables that may have an impact on observed results, so that their internal validity is questionable. It is argued that immersive virtual reality may provide a unifi cation of these two approaches. Since people tend to respond realistically to situations and events that occur in virtual reality, and since virtual reality simulations can be completely controlled for experimental purposes, studies of responses to violence within virtual reality are likely to have both ecological and internal validity. This depends on a property that we call"plausibility"- including the fi delity of the depicted situation with prior knowledge and expectations. We illustrate this with data from a previously published experiment, a virtual reprise of Stanley Milgram"s 1960s obedience experiment, and also with pilot data from a new study being developed that looks at bystander responses to violent incidents.

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Under what conditions will a bystander intervene to try to stop a violent attack by one person on another? It is generally believed that the greater the size of the crowd of bystanders, the less the chance that any of them will intervene. A complementary model is that social identity is critical as an explanatory variable. For example, when the bystander shares common social identity with the victim the probability of intervention is enhanced, other things being equal. However, it is generally not possible to study such hypotheses experimentally for practical and ethical reasons. Here we show that an experiment that depicts a violent incident at life-size in immersive virtual reality lends support to the social identity explanation. 40 male supporters of Arsenal Football Club in England were recruited for a two-factor between-groups experiment: the victim was either an Arsenal supporter or not (in-group/out-group), and looked towards the participant for help or not during the confrontation. The response variables were the numbers of verbal and physical interventions by the participant during the violent argument. The number of physical interventions had a significantly greater mean in the ingroup condition compared to the out-group. The more that participants perceived that the Victim was looking to them for help the greater the number of interventions in the in-group but not in the out-group. These results are supported by standard statistical analysis of variance, with more detailed findings obtained by a symbolic regression procedure based on genetic programming. Verbal interventions made during their experience, and analysis of post-experiment interview data suggest that in-group members were more prone to confrontational intervention compared to the out-group who were more prone to make statements to try to diffuse the situation.

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This paper investigates experimentally how organisational decision processes affect the moral motivations of actors inside a firm that must forego profits to reduce harming a third party. In a "vertical" treatment, one insider unilaterally sets the harm-reduction strategy; the other can only accept or quit. In a "horizontal" treatment, the insiders decide by consensus. Our 2-by-2 design also controls for communication effects. In our data, communication makes vertical firms more ethical; voice appears to mitigate "responsibility-alleviation" in that subordinates with voice feel responsible for what their firms do. Vertical firms are then more ethical than the horizontal firms for which our bargaining data reveal a dynamic form of responsibility-alleviation and our chat data indicate a strong "insider-outsider" effect.

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A partir de la recerca pilot "Estudi descriptiu de famílies amb dinàmiques de violència domèstica en un context judicial d'ordre civil" es constatà que la valoració tècnica prioritza de forma clara la consideració de les competències i habilitats parentals d'ambdós progenitors quant a formular propostes relacionals. Tenint en compte l'escassa literatura especialitzada quant a les competències parentals de les famílies sotmeses a dinàmiques de violència a la llar, aquest estudi pretén establir una comparativa entre les competències parentals de les famílies ateses al SATAF de Barcelona durant l'any 2008, que presenten dinàmiques amb continguts violents, vs. d'altres famílies que no queden contextualitzades en la violència relacional. Això respon a l'objectiu de constatar l'existència o no de diferències en els estils de criança d'ambdós tipus de famílies, així com si existeixen divergències associades al gènere. A tal fi s'han emprat el test CUIDA i una graella tècnica heteroaplicada per obtenir una mesura de les competències d'aquestes famílies. Els principals resultats obtinguts han partit d'una anàlisi estadística no-paramètrica, considerant el petit tamany de la mostra. A partir d'aquesta anàlisi es copsen diferències entre ambdós tipus de famílies quant a llurs capacitats parentals, així com s'observen dèficits en les mares i pares provinents de dinàmiques violentes. Així mateix, es conclou la dificultat de mesura de les competències parentals a partir de proves d'autoinforme. Finalment, es suggereix el desenvolupament de programes de recuperació i/o millora específics de la parentalitat orientats a aquests progenitors, per tal d'augmentar els nivells de benestar dels seus fills.

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Aquest treball presenta un estudi sobre les variables de risc de reincidència d’un grup de 315 delinqüents sexuals. Els subjectes han estat obtinguts del total d’interns que van sortir en llibertat condicional o definitiva de les presons de Catalunya entre 1998 i 2003. La investigació té dues parts. Una primera quantitativa on s’analitza la capacitat predictiva de 18 variables representatives de la carrera delictiva, l’incompliment de les mesures de supervisió a la comunitat, la conflictivitat a la presó, el tractament i les condicions de la condemna. Durant un període de seguiment que va de tres anys i 10 mesos a nou anys i dos mesos s’ha enregistrat la reincidència en delictes sexuals, delictes violents, qualsevol tipus de delicte violent (tant sexual com no sexual) i reincidència general. A la segona part, qualitativa, s’han fet entrevistes semiestructurades a un grup de 14 delinqüents sexuals dels quals nou havien reincidit i cinc estaven en llibertat condicional. Si bé les variables més comunes a la investigació sobre delinqüència general han mostrat relació amb la reincidència general, només tres variables de la carrera delictiva han mostrat relació amb la reincidència sexual. L’estudi qualitatiu ha permès obtenir informació sobre la influència de les variables dinàmiques més importants. A partir de l’anàlisi del procés del delicte es configuren tres perfils de delinqüents sexuals que ja s’havien trobat a altres investigacions. A partir de la informació obtinguda es proposen algunes orientacions pels programes de tractament.

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Is there a link between decentralized governance and conflict prevention? This article tries to answer the question by presenting the state of the art of the intersection of both concepts. Provided that social conflict is inevitable and given the appearance of new threats and types of violence, as well as new demands for security based on people (human security), our societies should focus on promoting peaceful changes. Through an extensive analysis of the existing literature and the study of several cases, this paper suggests that decentralized governance can contribute to these efforts by transforming conflicts, bringing about power-sharing and inclusion incentives of minority groups. Albeit the complexity of assessing its impact on conflict prevention, it can be contended that decentralized governance might have very positive effects on the reduction of causes that bring about conflicts due to its ability to foster the creation of war/violence preventors. More specifically, this paper argues that decentralization can have a positive impact on the so-called triggers and accelerators (short- and medium-term causes).

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The paper focuses on the argumentative process through which new international norms prohibiting the use of weapons causing severe civilian harm emerge. It examines the debate surrounding the use and usefulness of landmines and cluster munitions and traces the process through which NGOs change conceptions of military utility and effectiveness of certain weapons by highlighting their humanitarian problems and questioning their military value. By challenging military thinking on these issues, NGOs redefine the terms of the debate – from a commonplace practice, the use of such weapons becomes controversial and military decisions need to be justified. The argument-counterargument dynamic shifts the burden of proof of the necessity and safety of the weapons to the users. The process witnesses the ability of NGOs to influence debates on military issues despite their disadvantaged position in hard security issue areas. It also challenges realist assumptions that only weapons that are obsolete or low-cost force equalizers for weak actors can be banned. To the contrary, the paper shows that in the case of landmines and cluster munitions, defining the military (in)effectiveness of the weapons is part and parcel of the struggle for their prohibition.

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Existeix alguna relació entre governabilitat descentralitzada i prevenció de conflictes? El present article intenta respondre a aquesta pregunta presentant la situació actual de la intersecció entre ambdós conceptes. Partint del fet que el conflicte social és inevitable, així com de l’existència de noves amenaces i conflictes i de noves demandes de seguretat basades en les persones (seguretat humana), les nostres societats han d’intentar que els canvis siguin pacífics. A través d’un exhaustiu anàlisis de la bibliografia existent i de l’estudi de diversos casos, aquest article sosté que la governabilitat descentralitzada pot contribuir a aquests esforços transformant conflictes, fomentant el repartiment de poder i augmentant els incentius d’inclusió de grups minoritaris. Tot i la dificultat de mesurar el seu impacte sobre la prevenció de conflictes, s’argumenta que la governabilitat descentralitzada pot tenir un impacte molt positiu en la reducció de les causes que produeixen conflictes gràcies a la seva habilitat per crear war/violence preventors. Més concretament, en aquest article se suggereix que la governabilitat descentralitzada pot influir positivament sobre les causes a curt i mitjà termini.

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The paradox of autonomy is about whether self-rule accommodates or exacerbates armed conflict. This study attempts to unpack the puzzle examining the effectiveness of territorial autonomy as a state response to self-determination conflicts throughout the world. It challenges the conflict-inducing features of autonomy arguing that territorial autonomy can mitigate armed conflict by channeling group grievances into peaceful forms of protest. Thus, this study aims at arriving at a comprehensive theory that identifies which factors are responsible for violent escalation of conflicts grounded in self-determination demands. By using the concepts of opportunity structures and willingness dimension, this study shows that conflict escalation only takes place when minorities with greater bargaining power vis-à-vis the center, in contexts of high levels of economic inequality within dyad, are mobilized around autonomy and separatist demands.

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The Barcelona Forum aimed to generate both a theoretical and practical discussion on decentralized governance and its capacity to promote peace, prevent conflict, advance human security and ensure greater governmental accountability. The Forum intended to review the theoretical strength of decentralization as a political tool and discuss how it can be properly implemented. Eight case studies were selected to be covered during the two days in order to draw conclusions and offer proposals for the future implementation of decentralization. The case of Catalonia and the decentralized experience of Spain was given special attention, as an example of successful decentralization. The other cases presented achievements and challenges and prompted discussions on both the validity and universality of decentralization as a way to promote and preserve peace. Topics such as ethnic and territorial divisions, democratic accountability, financial decentralization and distribution, resource sharing, and external implementation of decentralization through peace processes were discussed.

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These proceedings correspond to the international seminar “Measuring Peace. Initiatives, Limitations and Proposals” organized by the International Catalan Institute for Peace, which took place in Barcelona on the 4th and the 5th of March 2010. The Human Development Index is the most visible attempt over the last years to improve the statistical tools so that they offer results which are closer to social realities. In the field of Peace the attempts to create new measuring mechanisms have not been able to move beyond the negative conception of peace, which means that it has just been considered as an absence of violent conflicts. In this context, the international seminar organized by the ICIP was an attempt to compile recent contributions of different investigation centres which have focused in conceptualizing positive peace and new ways to measure it.

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S’estableix una comparativa entre adolescents provinents de famílies amb dinàmiques de violència i adolescents immersos en dinàmiques no-violentes, emprant el MACI i una graella construïda segons criteri tècnic. Malgrat el petit tamany mostral s’obtenen dades d’interès clínic referides als adolescents VIDO.