The Security Council and the Legitimacy of the Use of Force: Legal, Normative, and Social Aspects.

Tal i com estableix la Carta de les Nacions Unides, el Consell de Seguretat determina l’existència d’una amenaça a la pau, un trencament de la pau o un acte d’agressió i decideix les mesures que han de fer-se servir per restaurar la pau i seguretat internacionals, també l’ús de la força. L’objectiu d’aquest article és explorar la legitimitat d’aquest ús de la força. Amb aquest objectiu, el text parteix d’una definició centrada en les seves dimensions legal, normativa i social. En segon lloc, s’analitzarà com aquestes dimensions estan representades als debats del Consell de Seguretat de la guerra d’Irak de 2003, un dels usos de la força més controvertits i que més debat ha generat als darrers anys. Finalment, l’anàlisi proposat permet treure algunes conclusions sobre les bases canviants de la legitimitat de l’ús de la força.

Cultural relativism in the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council

This Working Paper aims to offer an up-to-date list of cultural relativist players and arguments with respect to human rights, constituted by China, Viet Nam, Myanmar, Iran, Pakistan, Yemen, Syria, Malaysia and Cuba. This working paper argues that Indonesia, Iraq, Colombia and Mexico are not in the same cultural relativist group of states maintained by renowned scholars, notably Cristina Cerna and Dianne Otto. As such, apart from this form of cultural relativism based on the respect for the self-determination of indigenous peoples and communities, this working paper exposes two different categories of radical cultural relativism based on revolutionary discourse and/or radical Islamism, as well as targets the credibility on the latter two based on the information facilitated by the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council (HRC) Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

Principis deontològics dels professionals de la informació i la documentació: el codi de l'European Council of Information Associations (ECIA)

Qualsevol professió té, o hauria de tenir, un codi de regles ètiques que els seus membres normalment respecten i que fan servir com a guia en el cas que hagin de prendre decisions moralment difícils. Durant la reunió celebrada el novembre de 1998 a Lisboa, les associacions membres de l'ECIA van acordar adoptar un codi ètic que fos vàlid per als professionals de tots els països de la Unió Europea. Aquest codi no pot ser més que un enunciat de principis generals i deixa en mans de cada associació la facultat de desenvolupar-lo per tal que respongui a necessitats especials o nacionals. Un primer projecte fou presentat i discutit a la reunió de l'ECIA de març de 1999. La present revisió incorpora les modificacions proposades aleshores, elements provinents de codis d'altres organitzacions que foren presentats en la reunió a la consideració de l'autor, així com alguns aclariments.

Informe del World Library and Information Congress: 73rd IFLA General Conference and Council (Durban, Sud-àfrica, 19-23 d'agost de 2007)

This year, IFLA's World Library and Information Congress (WLIC) was held in Durban, South Africa, under the title ¿Libraries for the future: progress, development and partnerships¿. The association thus continued its policy of holding the event in different continents: Buenos Aires (South America) 2004, Oslo (Europe) 2005, Seoul (Asia) 2006, Durban (Africa) 2007, Quebec (North America) 2008, Milan (Europe) 2009 and Brisbane (Oceania) 2010.

Informe de la 65 IFLA Council and General Conference (Bangkok, agost de 1999)

Bangkok fou enguany la seu del 65è congrés de l'IFLA que se celebrà entre els dies 20 i 28 d'agost sota el lema «Libraries as gateways to an enlightened world». Hi estigueren representats 117 països, amb un total de 2.237 participants ¿inclosos els acompanyants¿; hi tingueren lloc un total de 280 reunions i, fins a la cloenda, s'havien rebut 311 treballs ¿que s'han publicat a IFLANET.

Low birthweight, preterm, and small for gestational age babies in Scotland, 1981-1984.

The aim was to examine the effect of maternal age, gravidity, marital status, previous perinatal deaths, and parental social class on babies born low birthweight, preterm, and small for gestational age. DESIGN--The study used data on discharge summaries from all maternity hospitals in Scotland. SETTING--The study was based on all singleton deliveries in Scotland. PARTICIPANTS--The analysis involved information on 259,462 singleton babies born during the four years 1981-84 in Scotland. MEASUREMENTS AND MAIN RESULTS--Previous perinatal death was found to be the strongest predictor for both preterm and low birthweight. Single mothers were at particularly high risk of having a small for gestational age baby and those who were previously married of having a preterm baby. Women aged less than 20 years old, those over 34 years old, nulligravidae, and those of parity 3 or more were also at increased risk of adverse pregnancy outcome. Mothers and fathers in manual social classes and those who could not be assigned a social class on the basis of their occupation were at increased risk for all three adverse outcomes studied. The babies of parents who were in manual occupations were twice as likely as those of parents in non-manual occupations to be small for gestational age and almost twice as likely to be low birthweight. CONCLUSIONS--Mother's social class is a risk factor for adverse pregnancy outcome independent of maternal age, parity, and adverse reproductive history, and also independent of father's social class. Information on both parents' occupations should be collected in maternity discharge systems.

The Coverage of the European independence movements from a Canadian perspective: Comparisons of the francophone online press in Quebec with the English Canadian press on the independence movements in Scotland and Catalonia

This research paper provides the basis of a future doctoral thesison the construction of foreign news. We aim to highlight similarities and differences in the online news coverage of the nationalist movments in Scotland and Catalonia in the Canadian Anglophone and Francophone press. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of The Montreal Gazette, The National Post, The Globe and Mail, Le Devoir and La Presse, we attempt to show the frames used in the coverage of the political developments in both “stateless regions” from January 2011 to September 2014, when a referendum on the constitutional status of Scotland has beenagreed on. In parallel to the analysis of daily online newspapers, we will use semi-structured interviews of journalists from each news organization to obtain more in-depth knowledge of the factors influencing the construction of news. Lastly, we want to find out to the extent to which the coverage on the nationalist movements in Scotland and Catalonia serve to revive the debate on the independence question of Québec