29 resultados para Mattila, Mikko: Policy making in Finnish social and health care

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.

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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.

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The objective of this study is the empirical identification of the monetary policy rules pursued in individual countries of EU before and after the launch of European Monetary Union. In particular, we have employed an estimation of the augmented version of the Taylor rule (TR) for 25 countries of the EU in two periods (1992-1998, 1999-2006). While uniequational estimation methods have been used to identify the policy rules of individual central banks, for the rule of the European Central Bank has been employed a dynamic panel setting. We have found that most central banks really followed some interest rate rule but its form was usually different from the original TR (proposing that domestic interest rate responds only to domestic inflation rate and output gap). Crucial features of policy rules in many countries have been the presence of interest rate smoothing as well as response to foreign interest rate. Any response to domestic macroeconomic variables have been missing in the rules of countries with inflexible exchange rate regimes and the rules consisted in mimicking of the foreign interest rates. While we have found response to long-term interest rates and exchange rate in rules of some countries, the importance of monetary growth and asset prices has been generally negligible. The Taylor principle (the response of interest rates to domestic inflation rate must be more than unity as a necessary condition for achieving the price stability) has been confirmed only in large economies and economies troubled with unsustainable inflation rates. Finally, the deviation of the actual interest rate from the rule-implied target rate can be interpreted as policy shocks (these deviation often coincided with actual turbulent periods).

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Recent policy developments in public health care systems lead to a greater diversity in health care. Decentralisation, either geographically or at an institutional level, is the key force, because it encourages innovation and local initiatives in health care provision. The devolution of responsibilities allows for a sort of de-construction of the status quo by changing both organizational forms and service provision. The new organizations enjoy greater freedom in the way they pay their staff, and are judged according to their results. These organizations may retain financial surpluses, develop spin-off companies and commission a range of specialised services (such as Diagnostic and Treatment Centres in UK) from providers outside the institutional setting in order to have more access to capital markets. However this diversity may generate a feeling of lack of commitment to a national health service and ultimately a loss of social cohesion. By fiscal decentralisation to regional authorities or planned delegation of financial agreements to the providers, financial incentives are more explicit and may seem to place profit-making above a commitment to better health care. An evaluation of the myths and realities of the decentralization process is needed. Here, I offer an assessment pros and cons of the decentralization process of health care in Spain, drawing on the experience of regional reforms from the pioneering organisational innovations implemented in Catalonia in 1981, up to the observed dispersion of health care spending per capita among regions at present.

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We analyse the impact of working and contractual conditions, particularly exposure to job risks, on the probability of acquiring a permanent disability, controlling for other personal and firm characteristics. We postulate a model in which this impact is mediated by the choice of occupation, with a level of risk associated with it. We assume this choice is endogenous, and that it depends on preferences and opportunities in the labour market, both of which may differ between immigrants and natives. To test this hypothesis we apply a bivariate probit model to data for 2006 from the Continuous Sample of Working Lives provided by the Spanish Social Security system, containing records for over a million workers. We find that risk exposure increases the probability of permanent disability arising from any cause - by almost 5%.

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This paper reports an analysis of the evolution of income related health inequalities in Spain over the period 1987-2001. We use recently developed methods in order to cardinalise and model self assessed health within a regression framework, decompose the sources of inequality and explain the observed differences between 1987 (one year after the 1986 General Health Act was approved) and 2001 (the latest available representative data on health for the Spanish population). The results show that the period has witnessed a reduction in income related health inequality. The driver of such reduction has been the weakening of the income health gradient, which lends support to the hypothesis that the important health policy reforms implemented over the period have been successful in the objective of reducing socio-economic inequalities in health. Our results also suggest that actions aimed at improving the health of those with low levels of education and of those who are not actively participating in the labor market would lead to further reductions in income related health inequality.

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This paper analyses the demand for private health care by Spanishhouseholds using a micro budget survey. The methodology used takescare of the three part decision process involved in this type ofbehaviour, namely the decision to use private health care, howoften to do so and how much to spend each time and also the effectsof unobserved heterogeneity. Since the theoretical frameworkcorresponds to the Grossman model of health investment, the resultsalso provide a test of the theory when these issues are considered.Finally, the obtained evidence also suggest that the current systemof tax deductions for private health care expenditures is regressive.

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Purpose: To describe (1) the clinical profiles and the patterns of use of long-acting injectable (LAI) antipsychotics in patients with schizophrenia at risk of nonadherence with oral antipsychotics, and in those who started treatment with LAI antipsychotics, (2) health care resource utilization and associated costs. Patients and methods: A total of 597 outpatients with schizophrenia at risk of nonadherence, according to the psychiatrist's clinical judgment, were recruited at 59 centers in a noninterventional prospective observational study of 1-year follow-up when their treatment was modified. In a post hoc analysis, the profiles of patients starting LAI or continuing with oral antipsychotics were described, and descriptive analyses of treatments, health resource utilization, and direct costs were performed in those who started an LAI antipsychotic. Results: Therapy modifications involved the antipsychotic medications in 84.8% of patients, mostly because of insufficient efficacy of prior regimen. Ninety-two (15.4%) patients started an LAI antipsychotic at recruitment. Of these, only 13 (14.1%) were prescribed with first-generation antipsychotics. During 1 year, 16.3% of patients who started and 14.9% of patients who did not start an LAI antipsychotic at recruitment relapsed, contrasting with the 20.9% who had been hospitalized only within the prior 6 months. After 1 year, 74.3% of patients who started an LAI antipsychotic continued concomitant treatment with oral antipsychotics. The mean (median) total direct health care cost per patient per month during the study year among the patients starting any LAI antipsychotic at baseline was 1,407 ( 897.7). Medication costs (including oral and LAI antipsychotics and concomitant medication) represented almost 44%, whereas nonmedication costs accounted for more than 55% of the mean total direct health care costs. Conclusion: LAI antipsychotics were infrequently prescribed in spite of a psychiatrist-perceived risk of nonadherence to oral antipsychotics. Mean medication costs were lower than nonmedication costs.

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Purpose: To describe (1) the clinical profiles and the patterns of use of long-acting injectable (LAI) antipsychotics in patients with schizophrenia at risk of nonadherence with oral antipsychotics, and in those who started treatment with LAI antipsychotics, (2) health care resource utilization and associated costs. Patients and methods: A total of 597 outpatients with schizophrenia at risk of nonadherence, according to the psychiatrist's clinical judgment, were recruited at 59 centers in a noninterventional prospective observational study of 1-year follow-up when their treatment was modified. In a post hoc analysis, the profiles of patients starting LAI or continuing with oral antipsychotics were described, and descriptive analyses of treatments, health resource utilization, and direct costs were performed in those who started an LAI antipsychotic. Results: Therapy modifications involved the antipsychotic medications in 84.8% of patients, mostly because of insufficient efficacy of prior regimen. Ninety-two (15.4%) patients started an LAI antipsychotic at recruitment. Of these, only 13 (14.1%) were prescribed with first-generation antipsychotics. During 1 year, 16.3% of patients who started and 14.9% of patients who did not start an LAI antipsychotic at recruitment relapsed, contrasting with the 20.9% who had been hospitalized only within the prior 6 months. After 1 year, 74.3% of patients who started an LAI antipsychotic continued concomitant treatment with oral antipsychotics. The mean (median) total direct health care cost per patient per month during the study year among the patients starting any LAI antipsychotic at baseline was 1,407 ( 897.7). Medication costs (including oral and LAI antipsychotics and concomitant medication) represented almost 44%, whereas nonmedication costs accounted for more than 55% of the mean total direct health care costs. Conclusion: LAI antipsychotics were infrequently prescribed in spite of a psychiatrist-perceived risk of nonadherence to oral antipsychotics. Mean medication costs were lower than nonmedication costs.

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This paper reports an analysis of the evolution of equity in access to health care in Spain over the period 1987-2001, a time span covering the development of the modern Spanish National Health System. Our measures of access are the probabilities of visiting a doctor, using emergency services and being hospitalised. For these three measures we obtain indices of horizontal inequity from microeconometric models of utilization that exploit the individual information in the Spanish National Health Surveys of 1987 and 2001. We find that by 2001 the system has improved in the sense that differences in income no longer lead to different access given the same level of need. However, the tenure of private health insurance leads to differences in access given the same level of need, and its contribution to inequity has increased over time, both because insurance is more concentrated among the rich and because the elasticity of utilization for the three services has increased too.

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Throughout history, nuclear weapons have been considered to be the ultimate weapons. This understanding largely detached them from the portfolio of conventional military means and assigned them a symbolic meaning that influenced the identity and norms creation of nations. In most countries today, the development of nuclear weapons is considered morally prohibitive, incompatible with a country’s identity and international outlook. In some states, however, these negative norms are overridden by a positive set of norms, causing nuclear weapons to become either symbols of invulnerability to perceived threats or the regalia of major power status. Main purpose of this paper is to explore on the conditions that cause most states to develop a moral aversion to nuclear weapons, yet effectively lead to their glorification in others. Many studies on the normative understanding of nuclear weapons consider the existence of a negative normative predisposition, often referred to as ‘nuclear taboo’, as a major factor in preventing their acquisition and use. Other studies acknowledge the existence of a nuclear taboo inhibiting the use of nuclear weapons, but point to the existence of the opposing effect of norms, frequently referred to as the ‘nuclear myth’, when it comes to the acquisition of nuclear weapons. This myth emerges when certain symbolic meanings are attached to nuclear weapons, such as a state’s identity, self-image, and its desired position in the international system. With 180 odd countries in the world abstaining from the acquisition of nuclear weapons and 8 countries in possession of them (with two further countries assumed to have pursued their acquisition), one might consider the dominance of the nuclear taboo over the nuclear myth to be the rule. The core question is thus why and how this relationship reversed in the case of defectors.

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In spite of increasing representation of women in politics, little is known about their impact onpolicies. Comparing outcomes of parliaments with different shares of female members does not identifytheir causal impact because of possible differences in the underlying electorate. This paper usesa unique data set on voting decisions to sheds new light on gender gaps in policy making. Ouranalysis focuses on Switzerland, where all citizens can directly decide on a broad range of policiesin referendums and initiatives. We show that there are large gender gaps in the areas of health,environmental protection, defense spending and welfare policy which typically persist even conditionalon socio-economic characteristics. We also find that female policy makers have a substantial effect onthe composition of public spending, but a small effect on the overall size of government.

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We studied the decision making process in the Dictator Game and showed that decisions are the result of a two-step process. In a first step, decision makers generate an automatic, intuitive proposal. Given sufficient motivation and cognitive resources, they adjust this in a second, more deliberated phase. In line with the social intuitionist model, we show that one s Social Value Orientation determines intuitive choice tendencies in the first step, and that this effect is mediated by the dictator s perceived interpersonal closeness with the receiver. Self-interested concerns subsequently leadto a reduction of donation size in step 2. Finally, we show that increasing interpersonal closeness can promote pro-social decision-making.

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Social reciprocity may explain certain emerging psychological processes, which are likely to be founded on dyadic relations. Although some indices and statistics have been proposed to measure and make statistical decisions regarding social reciprocity in groups, these were generally developed to identify association patterns rather than to quantify the discrepancies between what each individual addresses to his/her partners and what is received from them in return. Additionally, social researchers are not only interested in measuring groups at the global level, since dyadic and individual measurements are also necessary for a proper description of social interactions. This study is concerned with a new statistic for measuring social reciprocity at the global level and with decomposing it in order to identify those dyads and individuals which account for a significant part of asymmetry in social interactions. In addition to a set of indices some exact analytical results are derived and a way of making statistical decisions is proposed.