Divergent Reactions to Globalization: Labor Unions and the Nafta and the EU Enlargement Process

The 1990s witnessed the launching of two ambitious trade regionalization plans, the Nafta and EU enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. In contrast to previous projects for the creation or expansion of regional trade blocs, these two projects concerned states at dramatically different levels of economic development: The Nafta involved the very wealthy economies of Canada and the USA and the significantly poorer economy of Mexico, whereas EU enlargement involved the very wealthy economy of the 15 member-state European Union and the significantly poorer economies of former Communist states in Central and Eastern Europe. Ultimately, the Nafta and EU enlargement are responses to the challenges of globalization. Paradoxically, however, they have been met with radically different societal reactions in the wealthy partners that participated in the launching of these processes. This paper focuses on the reaction by labor unions on both sides of the Atlantic. I conclude that while labor relations and welfare institutions constrained the trade policy choices made by labor unions in the United States and Europe, they do not tell the whole story. It would seem that United States labor unions were more sensitive to the potential risks for workers associated to the liberalization of trade than were their European counterparts.

The role of unions in an endogenous growth model with human capital

In this paper we study the relationship between unions and growth in a two-sector overlapping generations model with altruism and humancapital. This relationship depends on the interaction between the technology in the sector that produces human capital, the degreeof unionization of the economy and the operativeness of the bequest motive.

The role of unions in an endogenous growth model with human capital

In this paper we study the relationship between unions and growth in a two-sector overlapping generations model with altruism and humancapital. This relationship depends on the interaction between the technology in the sector that produces human capital, the degreeof unionization of the economy and the operativeness of the bequest motive.

Actituds polítiques de Sobrequés

Sobre el compromís polític de Santiago Sobrequés i les diferents etapes per les que va passar, relacionades amb les circumstancies generals del país

Nosotros los proles, vosotros los ricos... #Yo Soy 132 : Un acercamiento a la percepción que tienen jóvenes miembros y simpatizantes del movimiento #Yo Soy 132 sobre la participación política y la democracia en México

Setenta y un años de administración priísta consolidada por medio de acciones fraudulentas y doce años de mal gobierno panista produjeron en los ciudadanos (sobre todo los jóvenes) una actitud de descrédito y apatía hacia su democracia. Con las elecciones de 2012, donde se apuntaba al candidato del PRI como potencial ganador; surge el movimiento estudiantil #Yo Soy 132 tomando fuerza en la escena política, logrando sumar a otros sectores; y que ante la escasez de espacios de participación ciudadana, se perfila como una opción

Transversalitat i participació juvenil : estratègies per promoure que els joves esdevinguin agents actius en les polítiques locals de joventut : proposta d’intervenció al municipi de Caldes de Malavella

Proposta metodològica que té com a element central la participació juvenil. La participació entesa com l’impuls d’estructures democràtiques entre els joves. Aquest treball està centrat en el manteniment de la consolidació de les polítiques de joventut al municipi de Caldes de Malavella. La pèrdua de recursos econòmics és un element que dificulta la realització de projectes que incideixin de manera positiva en els joves. La creació d’estructures de participació entre els joves és una manera de motivar als joves i fer-los membres actius en el desenvolupament de les polítiques locals

Realidad actual del movimiento reivindicativo de las jóvenes lesbianas en Barcelona

El movimiento lésbico en Barcelona ha experimentado en los últimos años -y lo sigue haciendo hoy en día-, una gran cantidad de cambios conscientes orientados a visibilizar sus reivindicaciones en nuestra sociedad. Esto sucede de forma paralela a un momento de crisis del sistema y de desvinculación social respecto a los partidos políticos; un hecho que se ve reflejado en la interacción del colectivo LGTB+ con la clase política y así como en la elaboración de su discurso

¿Innovar o 'maquillar'? La incorporación de las TICs a los procesos político-administrativos

What criteria should guide the process of incorporating ICTs into political realm? Are ICTs, per definitionem, an instrument that always generates positive effects for political activity? Our reflection aims to influence the necessary and essential process of analysis prior to the introduction of ICT in the field of political processes, focusing primarily on the delimitation of its effects. In this sense it highlights the need to assess the added value of introducing a technological solution in the political process prior to do it, what will validate or not its desirability. There is, in this sense, the excessive use of 'make-up' technology of political processes, that is, the absence of real & practical innovation.

"La influencia de Internet en la participación: ¿menor relevancia de la motivación política?"

In this paper we aim to investigate the relationship between Internet use, motivation and political participation. In particular, we aim to find out if, by reducing participation costs, use of the Internet changes the importance of motivation in the classic explanations of participation. In order to explore this question, we have used data from survey 2736 by the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS), which addresses the issue of political participation andInternet use. The analysis shows that Internet use has a direct impact on participation, regardless of motivation, and that skilled Internet users do not need to be motivated or interested in politics in order to participate in at least one online political activity.

Sindicats associacions i sigles

Mapa sindical de Girona. Tan globals a nivell de província com separades per comarques. Amb dades de nombre de delegats així com dels percentatges

An Instrumental analysis of the European Union´s capability to act in conflict response

Since its origins, the European Union has striven to be an actor on the International scene and a place in conflict Management. Yet the EU’s lack of activity cannot be justified by a mere lack of capacities. The EU counts with numerous political, economic, and, since 2003, civil and military instruments that should allow it to precede a comprehensive conflict response. This publication consists of a description of these instruments and an analysis of the final use that the Union makes of them in the different stages of a conflict. Examples will show us the EU’s main weakness in providing a comprehensive and timely response when a conflict breaks out.

Price differentials in monetary unions: The role of fiscal shocks

We study the effect of regional expenditure and revenue shocks on price differentials for47 US states and 9 EU countries. We identify shocks using sign restrictions on the dynamicsof deficits and output and construct two estimates for structural price differentials dynamics which optimally weight the information contained in the data for all units. Fiscal shocks explain between 14 and 23 percent of the variability of price differentials both in the US and in the EU. On average, expansionary fiscal disturbances produce positive price differential responses while distortionary balance budget shocks produce negative price differential responses. In a number of units, price differential responses to expansionary fiscal shocks are negative. Spillovers and labor supply effects partially explain this pattern while geographical, political, and economic indicators do not.

Political mobilisation and models of trade unionism : Southern Europe in comparative perspective

The relationship between union membership and political mobilization has been studied under many perspectives, but quantitative cross-national analyses have been hampered by the absence of international comparable survey data until the first round of the European Social Survey (ESS-2002) was made available. Using different national samples from this survey in four moments of time (2002, 2004 and 2006), our paper provides evidence of cross-country divergence in the empirical association between political mobilisation and trade union membership. Cross-national differences in union members’ political mobilization, we argue, can be explained by the existence of models of unionism that in turn differ with respect to two decisive factors: the institutionalisation of trade union activity and the opportunities left-wing parties have available for gaining access to executive power.

Immigration and contested nation-building : explaining the political salience of immigration in multi-national societies

Multi-national societies present a complex setting for the politics of immigration, as migration’s linguistic, economic and cultural effects may coincide with existing contestation over nationhood between sub-units and the central state. Empirically, though, political actors only sometimes, and in some places, explicitly connect the politics of immigration to the stakes of multi-level politics. With reference to Canada, Belgium and the United Kingdom, this paper examines the conditions under which political leaders link immigration to ongoing debate about governance in multi-national societies. The paper argues that the distribution of policy competencies in the multi-level system is less important for shaping immigration and integration politics than is the perceived impact (positive or negative) on the sub-unit’s societal culture or its power relationship with the center. Immigration and integration are more often politicized where center and sub-unit hold divergent views on migration and its place in national identity.