8 resultados para Japan -- Foreign relations -- Australia

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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El presente trabajo de investigación se centrará en el estudio de uno de los conflictos territoriales más candentes que existen en la región de Asia Oriental y, por ende, en la escena internacional, que enfrenta a Japón contra China y Taiwán por la soberanía de las Islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Aunque dadas las dimensiones del mismo, nos centraremos en la postura nipona. No en vano, el objetivo general que pretendemos alcanzar se sustenta en analizar la política exterior y de seguridad japonesa ante tal contencioso, como también las consecuencias e implicaciones que puede tener para la misma a la hora de entender el papel que debe desempeñar Japón en la escena internacional.

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This working paper analyses the role of religious and resistance identities in Hezbollah’s transformation and foreign relations. It argues that this Islamist movement has privileged material concerns over the religious dogma when both factors have not been coincidental. To do so, it uses a theoretical framework that presents the main characteristics of the anthropological and political interpretations of the role of culture and religion in defining the behaviour of international actors. In the chapter dedicated to Hezbollah, close attention is paid to the domestic and regional levels of analysis. When assessing Hezbollah’s religious identity, this paper argues that the salience of the pan-Islamic religious identity in Hezbollah’s origins has been replaced by an increased political pragmatism. It also argues that the fight against Israel represents Hezbollah’s raison d’être and that its resistance identity has not suffered major transformations and has been easily combined with religious rhetoric. Linking Hezbollah’s case study with the theoretical framework, this paper argues that political conceptions of cultural and religious identities provide the best analytical tool to understand the evolution of this Islamist movement.

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Why and how do failed states affect neighbouring countries? The attention of the international community towards state failure has grown significantly in recent years, improving the understanding of this phenomenon; nevertheless, the knowledge about the influence of state failure on neighbouring countries remain scarce. This research aims at contributing to filling up the existing gap by analyzing two different cases of state failure –Liberia and Afghanistan– and its consequences on four of their neighbours –Sierra Leone, Guinea, Pakistan and Tajikistan. More concretely, this research investigates the importance of insurgency movements in the relationship between these countries. The research argues that failed states generate conflict-enhancing mechanisms –which might lead to conflict outbreak– in their neighbours through the creation of informal networks. The empiric evidence shows how insurgency-based informal networks have a decisive role in the outbreak of conflict.

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Per què i de quina manera afecten els estats fallits als seus països veïns? L’atenció dedicada als estats fallits per la comunitat internacional s’ha incrementat significativament en els darrers anys i ha millorat la nostra comprensió del fenomen; tanmateix, encara sabem molt poc sobre la influència de la fallida dels estats en els seus estats veïns. Aquesta recerca té l’objectiu de contribuir a cobrir aquest buit mitjançant l’anàlisi de dos casos diferents de fallida estatal –Libèria i l’Afganistan– i de les seves conseqüències en quatre dels seus veïns –Sierra Leone, Guinea, el Pakistan i el Tadjikistan. Més concretament, aquesta recerca investiga la importància dels moviments d’insurgència en la relació entre aquests països. Aquest treball sosté que els estats fallits creen mecanismes generadors de conflicte, que podrien causar-ne un esclat, als estats veïns per la creació de xarxes informals. Les dades empíriques mostren de quina manera les xarxes informals basades en la insurgència tenen un paper decisiu en l’esclat del conflicte.

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An Alternative Mediterranean Conference under the auspices of several NGOs frorn several countries of the Mediterranean basin was held in Barcelona from 24th to 26th Novernber 1995. Its purpose was to discuss the relationships arnong the European Union and the eastern and southern shore countries in the Mediterranean basin from a non-official point of view, and to evaluate the project of a Euro-Mediterranean Association which was to be launched by the Intergovernmental Euro-Mediterranean Conference at its meeting in Barcelona on 27th and 28th November. This Serninar was the focus of most discussion at the Alternative Mediterranean Conference

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El punt de partida d'aquesta investigació és una retòrica molt utilitzada que la UE és un actor global. En vista d'això, la no proliferació de la política comunitària al sud de la Mediterrània s'examina. L'estudi es realitza sobre la base de la conceptualització de la UE "actorness" ia través d'alguns criteris (context extern, l'evolució de l'aparell de política exterior de la UE, la Unió Europea l'auto-presentació i la percepció de tercers, la consistència i la disponibilitat d'instruments de política i accions concretes) que involucren tant factors ideacionals i materials, d'acord amb el "pluralisme metodològic". Aquest marc conceptual va ajudar a avaluar la no proliferació de la política comunitària en aquesta regió en particular on la UE té interessos i bones raons per actuar. Cada un dels criteris de manifest els avantatges i desavantatges de la UE "actorness" en aquest camp seleccionat i la caixa. Aquest document sosté que la no proliferació "actorness" de la UE a la regió del sud de la Mediterrània ha estat limitat a causa d'una varietat de raons.

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We estimate an open economy dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE)model of Australia with a number of shocks, frictions and rigidities, matching alarge number of observable time series. We find that both foreign and domesticshocks are important drivers of the Australian business cycle.We also find that theinitial impact on inflation of an increase in demand for Australian commoditiesis negative, due to an improvement in the real exchange rate, though there is apersistent positive effect on inflation that dominates at longer horizons.

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International relations professionals need cross-cultural competence and English language communication skills to function in the international arena (Graddol 1997). English language communication skills are necessary not only to communicate with foreign colleagues (Bocanegra-Valle 2014) but also to access the vast amount of knowledge transmitted in English over the internet (Ku, Zussman 2010). This work reports the use of CLIL and cross-cultural training in the University of Messina International Relations Advanced Degree Program as a method to raise students’ level of English as quickly as possible while giving them the essential intercultural skills for work in the international field. The researchbased course program combined cross-cultural communication training (Storti, 1997; Lewis, 1999; Gannon, 2004, Harris and Moran, 2007; U.S Peace Corps Training Handbook 2012,) and intercultural competence skill development (Bennett, 1998). Two objectives were proposed: 1) develop cross-cultural communication competence; 2) bring students up to a B2 level as fast as possible. The final exam demonstrated significant growth in the areas of cross-cultural competence as well as an increase in European Common Framework level ranging from .5 to 1.0 depending on the student. Students expressed their belief that what they had learned would be useful for their future career. Combining CLIL with intercultural competence building seems to be effective in meeting two objectives: increasing English language fluency and developing cross-cultural communication competence. More research is recommended to further document this method for increasing English communication proficiency while developing interculturally competent international professionals.