80 resultados para International agencies
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
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Article publicat a "Other news"
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Al llarg del segle XIX Espanya va ser un soci actiu per la creació de les primeres organitzacions mundials de caràcter tècnic. Durant el segle XX España va participar en l'establiment de la Societat de Nacions creada desprès de La Primera Guerra Mundial, però el regim favorable a l'Eix de Franco fou inicialment exclòs de les Nacions Unides, les institucions de Bretton Woods, GATT i Pla Marshall i les agencies creades desprès de la Segona Guerra Mundial. L'escenari de la Guerra Freda va fer possible que el regim de Franco fos admès al Sistema de les Nacions Unides i les principals organitzacions econòmiques internacionals. Nomes desprès de la mort de Franco, la Monarquia Constitucional Española va poder ingresar plenament en la integració europees i les organitzacions occidentals de caràcter polític. España es actualment un dels països mes involucrats en els esforços internacionals per crear Bens Públics Globals a través d'organitzacions internacionals i de la Unió Europea.
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Al llarg del segle XIX Espanya va ser un soci actiu per la creació de les primeres organitzacions mundials de caràcter tècnic. Durant el segle XX España va participar en l'establiment de la Societat de Nacions creada desprès de La Primera Guerra Mundial, però el regim favorable a l'Eix de Franco fou inicialment exclòs de les Nacions Unides, les institucions de Bretton Woods, GATT i Pla Marshall i les agencies creades desprès de la Segona Guerra Mundial. L'escenari de la Guerra Freda va fer possible que el regim de Franco fos admès al Sistema de les Nacions Unides i les principals organitzacions econòmiques internacionals. Nomes desprès de la mort de Franco, la Monarquia Constitucional Española va poder ingresar plenament en la integració europees i les organitzacions occidentals de caràcter polític. España es actualment un dels països mes involucrats en els esforços internacionals per crear Bens Públics Globals a través d'organitzacions internacionals i de la Unió Europea.
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La prevalencia del interés comunitario para salvaguardar la igualdad entre los funcionarios de la Comunidad y la independencia de la Administración comunitaria, movieron al establecimiento de un impuesto comunitario en los Protocolos sobre Privilegios e Inmunidades anejos a los Tratados de Roma, privando a la exención de impuestos nacionales del carácter de privilegio, para configurarla como directa consecuencia de la creación de un impuesto comunitario. La realización del presente estudio nos lleva a plantearnos, en primer lugar, el problema de la naturaleza del recurso objeto del mismo.
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History tells that institutions evolve gradually over time, pushing new ideas across borders and cultures. Globalisation is argued to accelerate this process. We examine the spatial links of different political institutions across borders. Applying various tests for spatial proximity, we do not find evidence of contemporaneous spatial links. This result is robust to various measures of distance and of cultural proximity across countries. Instead, when we analyse long run dynamics diffusion of institutions seems to occur only gradually.
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In the last few years, Economic Theory has revised two basic ideas around the economics of the household: that family income is the result of the individual income of each of its members (income pooling), and that all family members living in the household have equal access to its resources. Unequal access to family resources (among women and men, on the one hand, and among the elderly, adults and children, on the other), is now understood as an input (for instance, that women eat less food and of worst quality than men), and as an output (for instance that women have poorer health, higher epidemic mortality, or are less tall than men as a result, among other things, of having received less food and poorer medical care, and/or of a heavier workload). Despite the fact that inequality in intra‐family consumption has become the center of attention in academic and international agencies, it can still not be found in the agenda of Economic History. In this paper we look at some of the resources consumed by Spanish families in the 19th century: food, alcoholic beverages, clothes and shoes. Medical topographies, our main source, suggest that unequal access to family resources among household members had a strong impact on their health and wellbeing.
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In this paper, 27 studies from the last decade which deal more or less explicitly with the International New Venture, global start-up or born-global phenomenon are first identified, and then fully examined and critically assessed as a basis for obtaining an adequate view of the state-of-the-art of this increasingly important research avenue in the field of International Entrepreneurship (IE). The methodology used for this synthetic review allow us to analyze a number of recent, purposefully-chosen studies that are systematically compared along the following criteria: 1) main objective and type of research; 2) theoretical framework/s of reference, 3) methodological issues, and 4) main findings and/or conclusions. As a result of this literature review, a critical assessment follows in which the most relevant benefits and contributions as well as potential drawbacks, limitations or major discrepancies in the research activities conducted so far are discussed. Finally, some suggestions and implications are provided in the form of future research directions.
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We examine in this paper the formation and the stability of international environmental agreements when cooperation means to commit to a minimum abatement level. Each country decides whether to ratify the agreement and this latter enters into force only if it is ratified by a number of countries at least equal to some ratification threshold. We analyze the role played by ratification threshold rules and provide conditions for international environmental agreements to enter into force. We show that a large typology of agreements can enter into force among the one constituted by the grand coalition.
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Prebisch's approach to economic development was based on the notion that there is an international historical division of labour. Peripheral countries are specialized in exporting primary goods while centre countries export industrial goods. The Terms of trade for peripheral countries tend to deteriorate. This approach can be extendend to ecological issues. The international Centre-Periphery division does not only involve the monetary exchange of goods and capital, but also the physical exchange in which Southern countries provide materials and energy so that Northern countries can develop their socioconomic metabolism. This metabolism process is guaranteed through cheap prices for primary goods. This paper aims to apply and extend Prebisch's thought on unequal exchange, both monetary and ecological, in relation to colombian trade in the period 1970-2002, using material flow analysis.
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One of the most notable characteristics of the change in governance of the past two decades has been the restructuring of the state, most notably the delegation of authority from politicians and ministries to technocrats and regulatory agencies. Our unique dataset on the extent of these reforms in seven sectors in 36 countries reveals the widespread diffusion of these reforms in recent decades. In 1986 there were only 23 agencies across these sectors and countries (less than one agency per country); by 2002 this number had increased more than seven-fold, to 169. On average these 36 countries each have more than four agencies in the seven sectors studied. Yet the widespread diffusion of these reforms is characterized by cross-regional and cross-sectoral variations. Our data reveal two major variations: first, reforms are more widespread in economic regulation that in social spheres; second, regulatory agencies in the social spheres are more widespread in Europe than in Latin America. Why these variations in the spread of the reforms? In this paper we present for the first time the regulatory gaps across regions and sectors and then move on to offer some explanations for these gaps in a way that sheds some light on the nature of these reforms and on their limits. Our explanatory framework combines diffusion and structural explanations and in doing so sheds new light on the global diffusion of public policy ideas.
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This document includes the results of the research undertaken by the authors on the attempts to organise a Popular Olympiad in Barcelona in 1936.
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The appeal to ideas as causal variables and/or constitutive features of political processes increasingly characterises political analysis. Yet, perhaps because of the pace of this ideational intrusion, too often ideas have simply been grafted onto pre-existing explanatory theories at precisely the point at which they seem to get into difficulties, with little or no consideration either of the status of such ideational variables or of the character or consistency of the resulting theoretical hybrid. This is particularly problematic for ideas are far from innocent variables – and can rarely, if ever, be incorporated seamlessly within existing explanatory and/or constitutive theories without ontological and epistemological consequence. We contend that this tendency along with the limitations of the prevailing Humean conception of causality, and associated epistemological polemic between causal and constitutive logics, continue to plague almost all of the literature that strives to accord an explanatory role to ideas. In trying to move beyond the current vogue for epistemological polemic, we argue that the incommensurability thesis between causal and constitutive logics is only credible in the context of a narrow, Humean, conception of causation. If we reject this in favour of a more inclusive (and ontologically realist) understanding then it is perfectly possible to chart the causal significance of constitutive processes and reconstrue the explanatory role of ideas as causally constitutive.
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Macroeconomic activity has become less volatile over the past three decades in most G7 economies. Current literature focuses on the characterization of the volatility reduction and explanations for this so called "moderation" in each G7 economy separately. In opposed to individual country analysis and individual variable analysis, this paper focuses on common characteristics of the reduction and common explanations for the moderation in G7 countries. In particular, we study three explanations: structural changes in the economy, changes in common international shocks and changes in domestic shocks. We study these explanations in a unified model structure. To this end, we propose a Bayesian factor structural vector autoregressive model. Using the proposed model, we investigate whether we can find common explanations for all G7 economies when information is pooled from multiple domestic and international sources. Our empirical analysis suggests that volatility reductions can largely be attributed to the decline in the magnitudes of the shocks in most G7 countries while only for the U.K., the U.S. and Italy they can partially be attributed to structural changes in the economy. Analyzing the components of the volatility, we also find that domestic shocks rather than common international shocks can account for a large part of the volatility reduction in most of the G7 countries. Finally, we find that after mid-1980s the structure of the economy changes substantially in five of the G7 countries: Germany, Italy, Japan, the U.K. and the U.S..
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This paper enquires into whether economic sanctions are effective in destabilizing authoritarian rulers. We argue that this effect is mediated by the type of authoritarian regime against which sanctions are imposed. Thus, personalist regimes and monarchies, which are more dependent on aid and resource rents to maintain their patronage networks, are more likely to be affected by sanctions. In contrast, single-party and military regimes are able to maintain (and even increase) their tax revenues and to reallocate their expenditures and so increase their levels of cooptation. Data on sanction episodes, authoritarian rulers and regimes covering the period 1946–2000 have allowed us to test our hypotheses. To do so, duration models have been run, and the results confirm that personalist autocrats are more vulnerable to foreign pressure. Concretely, the analysis of the modes of exit reveals that sanctions increase the likelihood of an irregular change of ruler, such as a coup. Sanctions are basically ineffective when targeting single-party or military regimes.