31 resultados para Information security policy
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
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Peer-reviewed
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This article addresses the normative dilemma located within the application of `securitization,’ as a method of understanding the social construction of threats and security policies. Securitization as a theoretical and practical undertaking is being increasingly used by scholars and practitioners. This scholarly endeavour wishes to provide those wishing to engage with securitization with an alternative application of this theory; one which is sensitive to and self-reflective of the possible normative consequences of its employment. This article argues that discussing and analyzing securitization processes have normative implications, which is understood here to be the negative securitization of a referent. The negative securitization of a referent is asserted to be carried out through the unchallenged analysis of securitization processes which have emerged through relations of exclusion and power. It then offers a critical understanding and application of securitization studies as a way of overcoming the identified normative dilemma. First, it examines how the Copenhagen School’s formation of securitization theory gives rise to a normative dilemma, which is situated in the performative and symbolic power of security as a political invocation and theoretical concept. Second, it evaluates previous attempts to overcome the normative dilemma of securitization studies, outlining the obstacles that each individual proposal faces. Third, this article argues that the normative dilemma of applying securitization can be avoided by firstly, deconstructing the institutional power of security actors and dominant security subjectivities and secondly, by addressing countering or alternative approaches to security and incorporating different security subjectivities. Examples of the securitization of international terrorism and immigration are prominent throughout.
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The primary goal of this paper is to discuss how the leading position of Brazil in South America could contribute to boost security cooperation between the European Union and Mercosur. Both parties share common foreign and security policy concerns, including immigration, terrorism and drug trafficking. Through its great influence on the regional security agenda, Brazil could seek closer bilateral cooperation with Europe in tackling these global challenges, acting at the same time as a representative of regional interests.
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Many political economic theories use and emphasize the process of votingin their explanation of the growth of Social Security, governmentspending, and other public policies. But is there an empirical connectionbetween democracy and Social Security program size or design? Using somenew international data sets to produce both country-panel econometricestimates as well as case studies of South American and southern Europeancountries, we find that Social Security policy varies according toeconomic and demographic factors, but that very different politicalhistories can result in the same Social Security policy. We find littlepartial effect of democracy on the size of Social Security budgets, onhow those budgets are allocated, or how economic and demographic factorsaffect Social Security. If there is any observed difference, democraciesspend a little less of their GDP on Social Security, grow their budgetsa bit more slowly, and cap their payroll tax more often, than doeconomically and demographically similar nondemocracies. Democracies andnondemocracies are equally likely to have benefit formulas inducingretirement and, conditional on GDP per capita, equally likely to induceretirement with a retirement test vs. an earnings test.
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This paper provides a quantitative evaluation of the intra--cohortredistributive elements of the United States social security system in thecontext of a computable general equilibrium model. I determine how thewell--being of individuals that differ across {\sl gender, race} and {\sl education}is affected by government social security policy. I find that females, whitesand non--college graduates stand less to gain (lose) from reductions(increases) in the size of social security than males, non--whites andcollege graduates, respectively. Differences in mortality risk and laborproductivity translate into differences in the magnitudes of capitalaccumulation and labor supply distortions, that are responsible for theobserved welfare difference between types. Results imply that the currentprogram is lifetime progressive across gender and education, yet lifetimeregressive across race.
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Peer-reviewed
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The aim of this article is to analyse those situations in which learning and socialisation take place within the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular, at the level of experts in the Council Working Groups. Learning can explain the institutional development of CFSP and changes in the foreign policies of the Member States. Some scope conditions for learning and channels of institutionalisation are identified. Socialisation, resulting from learning within a group, is perceived as a strategic action by reflective actors. National diplomats, once they arrive in Brussels, learn the new code of conduct of their Working Groups. They are embedded in two environments and faced with two logics: the European one in the Council and the national one in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The empirical evidence supports the argument that neither rational nor sociological approaches alone can account for these processes.
Resumo:
L’article tracta el dilema normatiu que implica l’aplicació de la `securitització´, com mètode per a comprendre la construcció social de les amenaces i les polítiques de seguretat. La securitització com empresa teòrica i pràctica es utilitzada de manera creixent per part d’acadèmics i executors. El present treball acadèmic pretén proporcionar, a aquells que estan interessats en la teoria de la securitització, una aplicació alternativa de la mateixa que és sensible i auto-reflexiva respecte de les possibles conseqüències normatives que comporta la seva utilització. L’article sosté que l’anàlisi i el debat sobre processos de securitització té implicacions normatives que, en aquest estudi, s’entenen com la securitització negativa d’un referent. En el mateix s’afirma que la securitització negativa d’un referent es duu a terme per mitjà de l’anàlisi acrítica dels processos de securitització que han sorgit a través de relacions d’exclusió i de poder. S’ofereix, doncs, una comprensió crítica i una aplicació dels estudis en securitització com una via per a superar el dilema normatiu anteriorment identificat. Així, en primer lloc, s’examina cóm la creació de la teoria de securitització per part de l’Escola de Copenhague (Copenhagen School) dóna lloc a un dilema normatiu que se situa en el poder performatiu i simbòlic de la seguretat vista com invocació política i concepte teòric. En segon lloc, s’avaluen els intents previs de superació del dilema normatiu dels estudis de securitització perfilant els obstacles als que cadascuna de les propostes s’enfronta. Finalment, aquest article argumenta que el dilema normatiu de l’aplicació de la securitització es pot evitar; en primer lloc, deconstruint el poder institucional dels actors de la seguretat i les subjectivitats predominants respecte de la mateixa i, en segon lloc, oferint enfocaments crítics o alternatius a la seguretat i incorporant diferents subjectivitats en relació a ella. Els exemples rellevants que es donen a l’article son el de la securitització del terrorisme internacional i la immigració.
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This paper examines the importance that the current Convention on the Future of Europe is giving (or not) to the question of democratic accountability in European foreign and defence policy. As all European Union (EU) member states are parliamentary democracies1, and as there is a European Parliament (EP) which also covers CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy2) matters, I will concentrate on parliamentary accountability rather than democratic accountability more widely defined. Where appropriate, I will also refer to the work of other transnational parliamentary bodies such as the North Atlantic Assembly or NAA (NATO´s Parliamentary Assembly) or the Western European Union (WEU) Parliamentary Assembly3. The article will consist of three sections. First, I will briefly put the question under study within its wider context (section 1). Then, I will examine the current level of parliamentary accountability in CFSP and defence matters (section 2). Finally, I will consider the current Convention debate and assess how much attention is being given to the question of accountability in foreign and defence policies (section 3). This study basically argues that, once again, there is very little interest in an issue that should be considered as vital for the future democratic development of a European foreign and defence policy. It is important to note however that this paper does not cover the wider debate about how to democratise and make the EU more transparent and closer to its citizens. It concentrates on its Second Pillar because its claim is that very little if any attention is being given to this question
A Survey on Detection Techniques to Prevent Cross-Site Scripting Attacks on Current Web Applications