36 resultados para Immigration and citizenship

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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Paper given by Chris Kennett at the European Forum: Culture, Sport and Proximity held in Almería on the 5 May 2005 and promoted by the Diputación Provincial de Almería. The paper explores the key concepts that comprise the social policy discourse related to immigration and how these relate to sports provision. The potential role for sport in the integration of immigrants is considered, as well as the risks of sports as a potentially divisive force, particularly in terms of racism. This discussion leads to the consideration of the need for intercultural dialogue through sport in order to contribute to the achievement of the sustainable integration of immigrant groups. In order to achieve this goal, research is called for into the needs of immigrant groups as a key phase in the development of sports policy.

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This article analyses the effect of immigration flows on the growth and efficiency of manufacturing firms in Spanish cities. To date, most studies have tended to focus on the effect immigrants have on labour markets at an aggregate level. Here, however, we undertake an exhaustive analysis at the firm level and report conclusive empirical findings. Ten years ago, Spain began to register massive immigration flows, concentrated above all on its most dynamic and advanced regions. Here, therefore, rather than focusing on the impact this has had on Spain’s labour market (changes to the skill structure of the workforce, increase in labour supply, the displacement of native workers, etc.), we examine the arrival of immigrants in terms of the changes this has meant to the structure of the country’s cities and their amenities. Thus, we argue that the impact of immigration on firm performance should not only be considered in terms of the labour market, but also in terms of how a city’s amenities can affect the performance of firms. Employing a panel data methodology, we show that the increasing pressure brought to bear by immigrants has a positive effect on the evolution of labour productivity and wages and a negative effect on the job evolution of these manufacturing firms. In addition, both small and new firms are more sensitive to the pressures of such immigrant inflows, while foreign market oriented firms report higher productivity levels and a less marked impact of immigration than their counterparts. In this paper, we also present a set of instruments to correct the endogeneity bias, which confirms the effect of local immigration flows on the performance of manufacturing firms.

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My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.

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Growth of 'global cities' in the 1980s was supposed to have involved an occupational polarisation, including growth of low paid service jobs. Though held to be untrue for European cities, at the time, some such growth did emerge in London a decade later than first reported for New York. The question is whether there was simply a delay before London conformed to the global city model, or whether another distinct cause was at work in both cases. This paper proposes that the critical factor in both cases was actually an upsurge of immigration from poor countries providing an elastic supply of cheap labour. This hypothesis and its counterpart based on growth in elite jobs are tested econometrically for the British case with regional data spanning 1975-2008, finding some support for both effects, but with immigration from poor countries as the crucial influence in late 1990s London. Keywords: regional labour markets; wages; employment; international migration; consumer demand JEL Codes: J21, J23, F22, R12

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Immigration is an important problem in many societies, and it has wide-ranging effects on the educational systems of host countries. There is a now a large empirical literature, but very little theoretical work on this topic. We introduce a model of family immigration in a framework where school quality and student outcomes are determined endogenously. This allows us to explain the selection of immigrants in terms of parental motivation and the policies which favor a positive selection. Also, we can study the effect of immigration on the school system and how school quality may self-reinforce immigrants' and natives' choices.

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Multi-national societies present a complex setting for the politics of immigration, as migration’s linguistic, economic and cultural effects may coincide with existing contestation over nationhood between sub-units and the central state. Empirically, though, political actors only sometimes, and in some places, explicitly connect the politics of immigration to the stakes of multi-level politics. With reference to Canada, Belgium and the United Kingdom, this paper examines the conditions under which political leaders link immigration to ongoing debate about governance in multi-national societies. The paper argues that the distribution of policy competencies in the multi-level system is less important for shaping immigration and integration politics than is the perceived impact (positive or negative) on the sub-unit’s societal culture or its power relationship with the center. Immigration and integration are more often politicized where center and sub-unit hold divergent views on migration and its place in national identity.

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We estimate empirically the effect of immigration on house prices and residentialconstruction activity in Spain over the period 1998-2008. This decade is characterized by both aspectacular housing market boom and a stunning immigration wave. We exploit the variation inimmigration across Spanish provinces and construct an instrument based on the historicallocation patterns of immigrants by country of origin. The evidence points to a sizeable causaleffect of immigration on both prices and quantities in the housing market. Between 1998 and2008, the average Spanish province received an immigrant inflow equal to 17% of the initialworking-age population. We estimate that this inflow increased house prices by about 52% andis responsible for 37% of the total construction of new housing units during the period. Thesefigures imply that immigration can account for roughly one third of the housing boom, both interms of prices and new construction.

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This paper analyzes the political sustainability of the welfare state in a model where immigration policy is also endogenous. In the model, the skills of the native population are affected by immigration and skill accumulation. Moreover, immigrants affect future policies, once they gain the right to vote. The main finding is that the long-run survival of redistributive policies is linked to an immigration policy specifying both skill and quantity restrictions. In particular, in steady state the unskilled majority admits a limited inflow of unskilled immigrants in order to offset growth in the fraction of skilled voters and maintain a high degree of income redistribution.Interestingly, equilibrium immigration policy shifts from unrestricted skilled immigration,when the country is skill-scarce, to restricted unskilled immigration, as the fraction of native skilled workers increases. The analysis also suggests a new set of variables that may help explain international differences in immigration restrictions.

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The number of hypothesis trying to explain which are the reasons behind the decision to migrate to work into a developed country are diverse and at the same time, difficult to test due to the multiplicity of factors which affect it. This papers attempts to move forward trying to disentangle which are the socio-economic factors that explain the differences in the figures of immigrants in the OECD countries. We show empirical evidence about the determinants of the migratory flows to 17 OECD countries from 65 countries in the 1980-2000 period. Our results reveal the importance to differentiate the inflows composition by at least income in the origin countries. Thus, regarding inflows from non-high-income countries, the results suggest that there is a pull effect from monetary and not real income, and then, the welfare magnets hypothesis should be rejected. This group reacts more to the migratory policy than the inflows coming from high-income countries, although those policies designed to slow down the inflows have not been able, in the aggregate, to reduce them.

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We study the two key social issues of immigration and housing in lightof each other and analyse which housing policies work best to distributediversity (racial, economic, cultural) equally across our cities and towns. Inparticular, we compare the impact of direct government expenditure andtax incentives on the housing conditions of immigrants in four Europeancountries: France, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom. The analysisshows that the different policies which have been adopted in these countrieshave not succeeded in preventing immigrants from being concentratedin certain neighbourhoods. The reason is that housing benefits andtax incentives are normally “spatially blind”. In our opinion, governmentsshould consider immigration indirectly in their housing policies and, forinstance, distribute social housing more evenly across different areas topromote sustainable levels of diversity.

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Opening conference of the academic course 2005/06 of the Olympic Studies Centre (CEO-UAB), given by Dr. Ian P. Henry, director of the Institute for Sport and Leisure Policy at Loughborough University (United Kingdom). The paper is structured around addressing three themes: how concepts of multiculturalism or interculturalism, nationality and citizenship can be linked to sports policy; how we can conceptualise (and therefore evaluate) the benefits which might be claimed to accrue from sporting projects in terms of multicultural or integration policy; and finally the issue of gender, multiculturalism and sports policy.

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En el marc de la recerca sobre identitats i nova ciutadania, l’objecte d’aquest treball és reconèixer elements clau dels processos d’identificació nacional a Catalunya en la població nouvinguda, i identificar els factors que n'afavoreixen la seva vinculació comunitària. La recerca s'ha desenvolupat en un primer bloc analitzant la perspectiva sociològica entorn a la idea d’identitat, així com l’evolució del discurs identitari a Catalunya, a fi de continuar desenvolupant amb profunditat el debat sobre identitat i nació en relació al fet migratori i la diversitat social existent. En un segon bloc d’anàlisi, la recerca fixa la mirada a una dotzena de casos treballats a través d’històries de vida de diverses realitats migratòries del nostre país corresponents a les diverses onades del segle XX, tant d’immigració espanyola com d'immigració de fora de l'Estat espanyol. La voluntat d’aquest segon bloc és extreure experiències socials d’interpretacions individuals que assenyalin quins elements permeten o dificulten la mobilitat social, quines experiències tenen valor identitari i de quin tipus, i quins fenòmens esdevenen rellevants en la configuració d’espais de referència i identificació nacional a nivell individual. Finalment s’incorpora un apartat d’entrevistes en profunditat a diversos actors socials i polítics rellevants a fi de reconèixer aquells elements que centren el discurs de la “nova cultura pública comuna”. L’objectiu és interrelacionar el discurs polític i filosòfic actual amb l’experiència biogràfica de les persones, assenyalant aquells elements que han estat significatius per a la seva identitat com a catalans i catalanes o, ans al contrari, que no han afavorit una situació en aquests termes. En aquest sentit la pregunta que vincula aquest espai de reflexió és: Quins elements afavoreixen la identificació nacional englobant la diversitat social existent i quins mecanismes d'adhesió hi podrien funcionar?

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This book offers the reader the study and the conclusions obtained from theresearch made in Spain in the frame of the JUST/2009/FRAC/AG/0933 project,“Children’s rights in action. Improving children’s rights in migration acrossEurope. The Romanian case”. A project funded by the Department of FundamentalRights and Citizenship of the European Commission. This research wascarried out in Spain, Italy and Romania between October 2010 and June 2012,performing activities to spread the results obtained until March 2013.

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Text de la ponència presentada pel doctor Chris Kennett al “Foro Europeo: Cultura, Deporte y Proximidad” organitzat per la Diputación Provincial de Almería i celebrat a Almeria el 5 de maig de 2005. El text examina els conceptes clau que comprèn el discurs polític social relacionat amb la immigració i com es relacionen aquests conceptes amb l’esport. Es té en compte el paper potencial que juga l’esport en la integració dels immigrants i els riscs dels esports com a força potencialment divisiva, sobretot pel que fa al racisme. Aquesta discussió porta a considerar la necessitat de diàleg intercultural a través de l’esport per tal de contribuir a aconseguir una integració sostenible dels grups immigrants. Per tal d’assolir aquest objectiu, cal fer una recerca sobre les necessitats dels grups immigrants, ja que és una fase clau en el desenvolupament de la política de l’esport.

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La literatura econòmica sobre immigració i mercat de treball ha analitzat dos grans temes. Un és l’efecte que genera la immigració sobre les condicions laborals (ocupació i salaris) dels nadius. L’altre és l’assimilació dels immigrants en el país d’acollida. Aquest projecte s'emmarca en aquesta segona línia de recerca. L’assimilació s’entén com un procés complex en el que un immigrant s’integra completament en el seu país d’acollida en diferents aspectes interrelacionats: l’estatus socioeconòmic, el progrés salarial, el domini de l’idioma o la segregació residencial, entre d'altres. El nostre projecte es centra en l’anàlisi de l’assimilació dels immigrants que han arribat recentment al nostre mercat de treball. Des d'aquesta perspectiva, s'ha analitzat si com a conseqüència de la transferibilitat limitada del capital humà entre països, es produeix o no una degradació ocupacional inicial que porti associada una quantiosa diferència salarial amb els nadius de similars característiques. De fet, com menys transferible sigui el capital humà d'origen, major serà la degradació ocupacional i la consegüent bretxa salarial inicial. També s'ha analitzat de manera més directa quin paper juga la portabilitat del capital humà a l'hora d'explicar el progrés econòmic dels immigrants. L’evidència obtinguda permet concloure que, a mesura que s'amplia el temps de residència al país de destinació, el capital humà es va adaptant als requeriments del mercat laboral del país hoste, especialment a través de l'experiència en el lloc de treball, però també per aprenentatge del nou idioma o fins i tot realització d'estudis. El capital humà així acumulat permet millorar posicions en l'escala ocupacional i augmentar en paral•lel els ingressos, assimilant-los amb el temps als dels nadius d'iguals característiques. Per últim, l’anàlisi del paper de les xarxes socials dels immigrants mostra un efecte positiu sobre la probabilitat de trobar feina però un pitjor emparellament en el mercat de treball.