Does illegal immigration empower rightist parties?

The main goal of this paper is to analyze the political outcome in countries where the relevant issue in elections is the control of immigration. In particular we explore the consequences on the political outcome of the fact that parties are either ideological or opportunistic with respect to this issue. In order to do that we use a simple two-party political competition model in which the issues over which parties take positions are the level of border enforcement and the way it has to be ?nanced. We show that an ideological rather than a pure opportunistic behavior gives parties an advantage to win the election. In particular, in most of the cases we consider we ?nd that rightist parties have an advantage to win in countries where the relevant issue in election is illegal immigration. This result may help us to understand the recent success of anti-immigrant and rightist parties in several countries.

Estados expulsores y semipersonas en la Unión Europea

La aprobación en junio de 2008 por el Parlamento Europeo de la Directiva de retorno —denominada también Directiva de la infamia o Directiva de expulsión— consolida el proceso de involución que sobre los derechos humanos se viene produciendo en la Unión Europea desde que el miedo a la inmigración irregular se incardinó en sus instituciones. Si bien las legislaciones de extranjería de los años ochenta contenían normas que regulaban el internamiento y la expulsión no es hasta la Directiva 2001/40/CE que comienza a tomar forma una política comunitaria centrada en la inmigración irregular y las expulsiones de migrantes. Las medidas de retorno son, dice la Comisión europea, “una piedra angular de la política de migración de la UE”. Desde entonces, la barbarie de los centros de retención e internamiento, el socavamiento de los derechos y la exclusión y criminalización de los migrantes extranjeros se han convertido en el caballo de batalla de las asociaciones defensoras de los derechos humanos. La erosión que las legislaciones y medidas de expulsión están provocado en los derechos y libertades y en las instituciones del Estado de derecho es inmensa. El retroceso y la erosión en los derechos y libertades es tan grande que ya no es posible continuar hablando sin más de Estados de derecho en la UE, sino más bien de máquinas administrativas para el internamiento y la expulsión, de “Estados expulsores”(1), donde las personas extranjeras son tratadas como semipersonas (2) e incluso como“no-personas” (3).

Biopolítica de Estados expulsores

La biopolítica sobre los migrantes se fundamenta en el binomio dejar entrar-residir o expulsar. Las leyes de extranjería están elaboradas sobre dos ejes: por un lado, en la regulación de los flujos migratorios en función del mercado de trabajo y las demandas de la economía y, por otro, en el control policial y la persecución de la inmigración irregular. Para la realización del primer eje del binomio, dejar entrar y residir, los Estados se dotan de mecanismos de regulación e intervención sobre el inmigrante concebido como fuerza de trabajo productiva. Asimismo los Estados crean mecanismos de control-sanción para las personas migrantes que incumplen los requisitos establecidos para entrar y residir en el territorio. En este punto la biopolítica sobre la población migrante se solapa o toma forma en el ejercicio de la soberanía por el Leviatán. Las medidas de control y sanción que los gobiernos ponen en marcha sobre los sin papeles han creado una imponente maquinaria de coacción en el interior de las instituciones del Estado de derecho hasta el punto de convertirlo en un Estado expulsor.

Sport, immigration and multiculturality: a conceptual analysis

Paper given by Chris Kennett at the European Forum: Culture, Sport and Proximity held in Almería on the 5 May 2005 and promoted by the Diputación Provincial de Almería. The paper explores the key concepts that comprise the social policy discourse related to immigration and how these relate to sports provision. The potential role for sport in the integration of immigrants is considered, as well as the risks of sports as a potentially divisive force, particularly in terms of racism. This discussion leads to the consideration of the need for intercultural dialogue through sport in order to contribute to the achievement of the sustainable integration of immigrant groups. In order to achieve this goal, research is called for into the needs of immigrant groups as a key phase in the development of sports policy.

Immigration and Firm Growth: Evidence from Spanish cities

This article analyses the effect of immigration flows on the growth and efficiency of manufacturing firms in Spanish cities. To date, most studies have tended to focus on the effect immigrants have on labour markets at an aggregate level. Here, however, we undertake an exhaustive analysis at the firm level and report conclusive empirical findings. Ten years ago, Spain began to register massive immigration flows, concentrated above all on its most dynamic and advanced regions. Here, therefore, rather than focusing on the impact this has had on Spain’s labour market (changes to the skill structure of the workforce, increase in labour supply, the displacement of native workers, etc.), we examine the arrival of immigrants in terms of the changes this has meant to the structure of the country’s cities and their amenities. Thus, we argue that the impact of immigration on firm performance should not only be considered in terms of the labour market, but also in terms of how a city’s amenities can affect the performance of firms. Employing a panel data methodology, we show that the increasing pressure brought to bear by immigrants has a positive effect on the evolution of labour productivity and wages and a negative effect on the job evolution of these manufacturing firms. In addition, both small and new firms are more sensitive to the pressures of such immigrant inflows, while foreign market oriented firms report higher productivity levels and a less marked impact of immigration than their counterparts. In this paper, we also present a set of instruments to correct the endogeneity bias, which confirms the effect of local immigration flows on the performance of manufacturing firms.

Spanish pension system: population aging and immigration policy

There is a widespread consensus in the literature that, as consequence of the demographic transition, the current Spanish pension system will become unsustainable in the next decades. In this article we evaluate the sustainability of the contributory pensions' sub-system, taking into account the demographic projections by the Spanish Statistical Office (INE). A baseline scenario is projected as well as several reforms are simulated, focusing on: (i) selective immigration policy, (ii) changes in the way of setting the pensions and (iii) increase of the legal age of retirement up to 68. The main results are the following. The current system would not incur deficits until 2018, from then deficits will begin to be accumulated. The expenditure in pensions practically would double (from 8.3 % in 2005 to 17.2 % in 2050). A selective immigration policy -towards foreign young people- would help, but does not solve the long-term sustainability of the current system. A policy that combines a pensions' growth at a pace lower than productivity growth and extends the legal age of retirement up to 68 would give solvency to the system beyond 2029

Accounting for Big City Growth in Low Paid Occupations: Immigration and/or Service Class Consumption

Growth of 'global cities' in the 1980s was supposed to have involved an occupational polarisation, including growth of low paid service jobs. Though held to be untrue for European cities, at the time, some such growth did emerge in London a decade later than first reported for New York. The question is whether there was simply a delay before London conformed to the global city model, or whether another distinct cause was at work in both cases. This paper proposes that the critical factor in both cases was actually an upsurge of immigration from poor countries providing an elastic supply of cheap labour. This hypothesis and its counterpart based on growth in elite jobs are tested econometrically for the British case with regional data spanning 1975-2008, finding some support for both effects, but with immigration from poor countries as the crucial influence in late 1990s London. Keywords: regional labour markets; wages; employment; international migration; consumer demand JEL Codes: J21, J23, F22, R12

Immigration and the school system

Immigration is an important problem in many societies, and it has wide-ranging effects on the educational systems of host countries. There is a now a large empirical literature, but very little theoretical work on this topic. We introduce a model of family immigration in a framework where school quality and student outcomes are determined endogenously. This allows us to explain the selection of immigrants in terms of parental motivation and the policies which favor a positive selection. Also, we can study the effect of immigration on the school system and how school quality may self-reinforce immigrants' and natives' choices.

Preserving memories on-line : the exhibition 'Memories of our childhood' and the Catalan Immigration History Museum

Gràcies a la introducció d'Internet, les institucions de la memòria poden anar ara un pas endavant i proporcionar narratives i documentació en línia. La present comunicació intenta descobrir com poden ser utilitzades les memòries en línia basant-se en dues experiències: una exposició de nens de la guerra i un portal d'immigració.

Nabil: un jove d'Aghbala a Girona

Anàlisi de la realitat dels joves marroquins nouvinguts, explicada des de la perspectiva d’un dels seus protagonistes. L’ús dels espais urbans al poble d’Aghbala i a la ciutat de Girona, i l’experiència vital a partir de la transcripció del Relat de Vida, són els dos recursos que reflecteixen el procés migratori i la curta biografia d’en Nabil

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Immigration and contested nation-building : explaining the political salience of immigration in multi-national societies

Multi-national societies present a complex setting for the politics of immigration, as migration’s linguistic, economic and cultural effects may coincide with existing contestation over nationhood between sub-units and the central state. Empirically, though, political actors only sometimes, and in some places, explicitly connect the politics of immigration to the stakes of multi-level politics. With reference to Canada, Belgium and the United Kingdom, this paper examines the conditions under which political leaders link immigration to ongoing debate about governance in multi-national societies. The paper argues that the distribution of policy competencies in the multi-level system is less important for shaping immigration and integration politics than is the perceived impact (positive or negative) on the sub-unit’s societal culture or its power relationship with the center. Immigration and integration are more often politicized where center and sub-unit hold divergent views on migration and its place in national identity.

Immigration controls and the erosion of popular sovereignty

The idea that immigration controls in Western developed states are a response to popular pressure is axiomatic in the academic literature on migration. In the academic literature and in policy circles it is also commonplace to hear that migration is eroding the sovereignty of states. This article challenges both of these ideas. We argue that both of these ideas overlook or ignore the erosion of popular sovereignty from within states. We argue that engaging with, rather than evading, public debate on migration can potentially help to reinvigorate popular sovereignty.

Immigration and housing booms: Evidence from Spain

We estimate empirically the effect of immigration on house prices and residentialconstruction activity in Spain over the period 1998-2008. This decade is characterized by both aspectacular housing market boom and a stunning immigration wave. We exploit the variation inimmigration across Spanish provinces and construct an instrument based on the historicallocation patterns of immigrants by country of origin. The evidence points to a sizeable causaleffect of immigration on both prices and quantities in the housing market. Between 1998 and2008, the average Spanish province received an immigrant inflow equal to 17% of the initialworking-age population. We estimate that this inflow increased house prices by about 52% andis responsible for 37% of the total construction of new housing units during the period. Thesefigures imply that immigration can account for roughly one third of the housing boom, both interms of prices and new construction.