19 resultados para Ideology of Certainty
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
Resumo:
El rápido crecimiento del los sistemas multicore y los diversos enfoques que estos han tomado, permiten que procesos complejos que antes solo eran posibles de ejecutar en supercomputadores, hoy puedan ser ejecutados en soluciones de bajo coste también denominadas "hardware de comodidad". Dichas soluciones pueden ser implementadas usando los procesadores de mayor demanda en el mercado de consumo masivo (Intel y AMD). Al escalar dichas soluciones a requerimientos de cálculo científico se hace indispensable contar con métodos para medir el rendimiento que los mismos ofrecen y la manera como los mismos se comportan ante diferentes cargas de trabajo. Debido a la gran cantidad de tipos de cargas existentes en el mercado, e incluso dentro de la computación científica, se hace necesario establecer medidas "típicas" que puedan servir como soporte en los procesos de evaluación y adquisición de soluciones, teniendo un alto grado de certeza de funcionamiento. En la presente investigación se propone un enfoque práctico para dicha evaluación y se presentan los resultados de las pruebas ejecutadas sobre equipos de arquitecturas multicore AMD e Intel.
Resumo:
This paper explores three aspects of strategic uncertainty: its relation to risk, predictability of behavior and subjective beliefs of players. In a laboratory experiment we measure subjects certainty equivalents for three coordination games and one lottery. Behavior in coordination games is related to risk aversion, experience seeking, and age.From the distribution of certainty equivalents we estimate probabilities for successful coordination in a wide range of games. For many games, success of coordination is predictable with a reasonable error rate. The best response to observed behavior is close to the global-game solution. Comparing choices in coordination games with revealed risk aversion, we estimate subjective probabilities for successful coordination. In games with a low coordination requirement, most subjects underestimate the probability of success. In games with a high coordination requirement, most subjects overestimate this probability. Estimating probabilistic decision models, we show that the quality of predictions can be improved when individual characteristics are taken into account. Subjects behavior is consistent with probabilistic beliefs about the aggregate outcome, but inconsistent with probabilistic beliefs about individual behavior.
Resumo:
This paper analyzes the political economy of immigration when the salient electoralissue is the level of immigrants and the relevant immigration policy is the expenditurein immigration control. We consider that immigration affects voters? welfarethrough economic and non economic factors. We model political competition `a laWittman with the ideology of parties endogenously determined at equilibrium. Atequilibrium, parties propose different levels of immigration, located to the left and tothe right of the median voter?s ideal point, and combine skilled and unskilled workersamong their constituencies. Numerical simulations provide the levels of immigrationproposed by the two parties and the composition of parties? constituencies as we varythe efficacy of immigration control and the intensity of immigration aversion.
Resumo:
One of the limitations of cross-country health expenditure analysis refers to the fact that the financing, the internal organization and political restraints of health care decision-making are country-specific and heterogeneous. Yet, a potential solution is to examine the influence of such effects in those countries that have undertaken decentralization processes. In such a setting, it is possible to examine potential expenditure spillovers across the geography of a country as well as the influence of the political ideology of regional incumbents on public health expenditure. This paper examines the determinants of public health expenditure within Spanish region-states (Autonomous Communities, ACs), most of them subject to similar financing structures although exhibiting significant heterogeneity as a result of the increasing decentralization, region-specific political factors along with different use of health care inputs, economic dimension and spatial interactions
Resumo:
One of the limitations of cross-country health expenditure analysis refers to the fact that the financing, the internal organization and political restraints of health care decision-making are country-specific and heterogeneous. Yet, a potential solution is to examine the influence of such effects in those countries that have undertaken decentralization processes. In such a setting, it is possible to examine potential expenditure spillovers across the geography of a country as well as the influence of the political ideology of regional incumbents on public health expenditure. This paper examines the determinants of public health expenditure within Spanish region-states (Autonomous Communities, ACs), most of them subject to similar financing structures although exhibiting significant heterogeneity as a result of the increasing decentralization, region-specific political factors along with different use of health care inputs, economic dimension and spatial interactions
Resumo:
One of the limitations of cross-country health expenditure analysis refers to the fact that the financing, the internal organization and political restraints of health care decision-making are country-specific and heterogeneous. Yet, a potential solution is to examine the influence of such effects in those countries that have undertaken decentralization processes. In such a setting, it is possible to examine potential expenditure spillovers across the geography of a country as well as the influence of the political ideology of regional incumbents on public health expenditure. This paper examines the determinants of public health expenditure within Spanish region-states (Autonomous Communities, ACs), most of them subject to similar financing structures although exhibiting significant heterogeneity as a result of the increasing decentralization, region-specific political factors along with different use of health care inputs, economic dimension and spatial interactions
Resumo:
Describimos el uso de estrategias de atenuación en 40 artículos de revisión (AR), publicados en español en revistas iberoamericanas entre 1994 y 2004. Identificamos las estrategias empleadas en las secciones retóricas por medio de un análisis contextual de género y clasificamos los atenuantes en cinco categorías: construcciones impersonales, deícticos temporales, aproximadores, escudos y atenuantes compuestos. Los resultados muestran que hay abundantes y variadas estrategias de atenuación en las tres secciones retóricas del AR, aunque son más frecuentes en el desarrollo y en la introducción. Predomina el modal epistémico “poder”, los adverbios y los adjetivos de posibilidad y probabilidad, y los verbos epistémicos. Registramos varias construcciones impersonales empleadas para atenuar. Los aproximadores se usan para expresar honestidad y varios niveles de certidumbre en las proposiciones; los deícticos temporales, para expresar provisionalidad y sugerir varias interpretaciones. Concluimos que la atenuación puede estar relacionada con la posición de los autores en la comunidad científica y con las características del AR como género discursivo. Asimismo, el nivel de expectativa en la escritura de este género podría condicionar cómo se presentan las proposiciones.
Resumo:
L'article analitza com nou estudiants universitaris de primer curs comprenen la ideologia de dos editorials que tracten un mateix tema polític des d'una orientació oposada. La metodologia és qualitativa i utilitza qüestionaris oberts i entrevistes semiestructurades per recollir les respostes i els comentaris dels informants, que es contrasten amb l'anàlisi lingüística usant l'aparell teòric de l'Anàlisi del Discurs. Els resultats mostren una gran diversitat de conductes, des de lectors que poden identificar la ideologia i elaborar una resposta personal coherent, fins a lectors que donen interpretacions erràtiques i incoherents. La discussió de les dades suggereix algunes vies per promoure un aprenentatge de pràctiques lectores més crítiques i contextualitzades.
Resumo:
L’objectiu d’aquest projecte és estudiar la recepció de l’obra de Bach des de la seva vida fins l’actualitat. Es pretén, d’una banda, esbrinar quins són els motius que van produir que cada època històrica jutjés l’obra de Bach de diferent manera, quins van ser els mitjans de conservació de la seva obra així com quins canvis va patir la seva obra per tal d’encaixar amb cada època. D’altra banda pretén exemplificar aquesta diferència en la posició que cada època va atorgar a l’obra de Bach mitjançant obres de compositors posteriors (Mozart, Schumann, Brahms, Britten i Villa-Lobos) que, cadascuna de manera diferent, contenen alguna reminiscència de Bach. La metodologia utilitzada ha consistit en la seva major part en la recerca bibliogràfica però també en la comparació de versions d’obres musicals en partitures i gravacions. La conclusió principal que es pot extreure d’aquest treball és que cadascú és producte de la seva època amb el seu context particular i per tant, qualsevol interpretació que pugui fer d’una obra musical amb el seu estil compositiu ve fortament determinat per la ideologia del context que l’envolta. És normal, doncs, que el segle XVIII la decadència del pensament religiós comportés un rebuig per l’obra de Bach la qual és majoritàriament de caràcter religiós, mentre que el segle XIX amb l’emergència de la burgesia i els seus valors romàntics s’elevés la figura de Bach com l’heroi del poble alemany.
Resumo:
This paper examines competition in a spatial model of two-candidate elections, where one candidate enjoys a quality advantage over the other candidate. The candidates care about winning and also have policy preferences. There is two-dimensional private information. Candidate ideal points as well as their tradeoffs between policy preferences and winning are private information. The distribution of this two-dimensional type is common knowledge. The location of the median voter's ideal point is uncertain, with a distribution that is commonly known by both candidates. Pure strategy equilibria always exist in this model. We characterize the effects of increased uncertainty about the median voter, the effect of candidate policy preferences, and the effects of changes in the distribution of private information. We prove that the distribution of candidate policies approaches the mixed equilibrium of Aragones and Palfrey (2002a), when both candidates' weights on policy preferences go to zero.
Resumo:
The Catalan reception of the 1966 manifestos by Robert Venturi and Aldo Rossi marks the scenario of a breakup: while North America debates about the architectural shape as a linguistic structure, Italy dips its roots in the Modern Movement tradition as an origin for a new temporal and ideological architectural dimension. The first contacts between Rossi and Spain verify this search and allow the Italian to construct common itineraries with some architects from Barcelona. From these exchanges the 2C group will be born, taking part on typical vanguardist mechanisms: they will publish the magazine, 2C. The construction of the city (1972-1985), they will attend the XV Triennale di Milano in 1973 with the Torres Clavé Plan (1971) and the Aldo Rossi + 21 Spanish architects exhibition (1975) while he will organize the three issues of the Seminarios Internacionales de Arquitectura Contemporánea (S.I.AC.) which took place in Santiago, Sevilla and Barcelona between 1976 and 1980. In front of the unfolding of the firsts, the American contacts of Federico Correa, Oriol Bohigas, Lluís Domènech and the PER studio or the teaching work of Rafael Moneo from Barcelona since 1971, allow to draw replica itineraries with the foundation of the magazine Arquitecturas Bis (1974-1985), the organization of the meetings between international publications such as Lotus and Oppositions in Cadaqués (1975) and New York (1977), while stablishing exchanges with members of the Five Architects. Replicas that in 1976 conduct the initial ideological affirmations between Rossi and the 2C group towards irreconcilable distancing. Verifying the itinerary of the journey that the Italian leads from the Italian resistance towards the American backing down is part of the aim of this article
Resumo:
This article presents and explores the axioms and core ideas, or idées-force, of the Fascist ideologies of the first third of the twentieth century. The aim is to identify the features that define the term “Classical Fascism” as a conceptual category in the study of politics and to uncover the core ideas of its political theory. This analysis requires an appraisal of both the idées-force themselves and the political use that is made of them. If these appreciations are correct, Classical Fascism is characterized by a set of ideological and political aims and methods in which ideas, attitudes and behaviours are determined by an anti-democratic palingenetic ultranationalism underpinned by a sacralized ideology; the quest for a united, indissoluble society as apolitical system and, at the same time, the collective myth that mobilizes and redeems the nation; and third, violence as a political vehicle applied unchecked against internal opposition and against external enemies who challenge the nation´s progression towards the dream of rebirth and the culmination of this progression in the form of an empire.
Resumo:
Aquest document se centra en els casos dels dos principals partits espanyols (PP i PSOE) i catalans (PSC i CDC) en el període immediatament després de les eleccions generals espanyoles de maig de 2008, quan aquests celebraren els seus congressos. En general, es poden distingir tres tipus d'actors: en primer lloc, els ciberactivistes que tracten d'obtenir el reconeixement formal de la seva activitat en els seus partits. Així com, els líders del partit que poden intentar promoure la presència del partit en el ciberespai, però que també poden romandre indecisos perquè no és clar l'impacte electoral a la xarxa del ciberactivisme. Finalment, alguns militants tradicionals (off-line) solen ser reticents al reconeixement del ciberactivisme perquè amenaça les recompenses previstes dins del partit. Aquest article mostra com els nostres partits varen respondre al desafiament del ciberactivisme i arriba a la conclusió que la seva situació electoral, mediada per la seva ideologia, estructura organitzativa i el tipus de militància, poden ajudar-nos a comprendre el grau diferent d'institucionalització en l'organització del partit.
Resumo:
``Negativity effect'' refers to the psychological phenomenon that peopletend to attach greater weight to negative information than to equallyextreme and equally likely positive information in a variety of informationprocessing tasks. Numerous studies of impression formation have found thatnegative information is weighted more heavily than positive information asimpressions of others are formed. There is empirical evidence in politicalscience that shows the importance of the negativity effect in the informationprocessing of the voters. This effect can explain the observed decreaseof popularity for a president the longer he is in office. \\We construct a dynamic model of political competition, incorporating thenegativity effect in the decision rule of the voters and allowing their preferencesto change over time, according to the past performance of the candidateswhile in office. Our model may explain the emergence of ideologies out ofthe competition for votes of myopic candidates freely choosing policypositions. This result gives rise to the formation of political parties,as infinitely--lived agents with a certain ideology. Furthermore, in thismodel some voters may start out by switching among parties associated withdifferent policies, but find themselves supporting one of the parties fromsome point on. Thus, the model describes a process by which some votersbecome identified with a ``right'' or ``left'' bloc, while others ``swing''between the two parties.
Resumo:
This paper proposes an argument that explains incumbency advantage without recurring to the collective irresponsibility of legislatures. For that purpose, we exploit the informational value of incumbency: incumbency confers voters information about governing politicians not available from challengers. Because there are many reasons for high reelection rates different from incumbency status, we propose a measure of incumbency advantage that improves the use of pure reelection success. We also study the relationship between incumbency advantage and ideological and selection biases. An important implication of our analysis is that the literature linking incumbency and legislature irresponsibility most likely provides an overestimation of the latter.