13 resultados para Humberto Mauro
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
Resumo:
Many regional governments in developed countries design programs to improve the competitiveness of local firms. In this paper, we evaluate the effectiveness of public programs whose aim is to enhance the performance of firms located in Catalonia (Spain). We compare the performance of publicly subsidised companies (treated) with that of similar, but unsubsidised companies (non-treated). We use the Propensity Score Matching (PSM) methodology to construct a control group which, with respect to its observable characteristics, is as similar as possible to the treated group, and that allows us to identify firms which retain the same propensity to receive public subsidies. Once a valid comparison group has been established, we compare the respective performance of each firm. As a result, we find that recipient firms, on average, change their business practices, improve their performance, and increase their value added as a direct result of public subsidy programs.
Resumo:
Projecte de recerca elaborat a partir d’una estada a la Bibliothèque Nationale, França, entre maig i juliol del 2007. L’estudi de les decoracions per les cerimònies del Nàpols virregnal en la segona meitat del segle XVII és el tema d’una futura tesi doctoral. Principalment la tesi està basada en una crònica inèdita d’Andrea Rubino, que descriu detalladament aquestes celebracions durant el període 1648-1673. De moment és el document més complet per a la reconstrucció de festes no testimoniades en relacions impreses, com per exemple les de Carnestoltes. Per verificar i augmentar les informacions ofertes per aquesta font s’han visitat diferents biblioteques, arxius i fototeques europeus.
Resumo:
En el present estudi s’ha fet un seguiment baromètric de la producció de biogàs de tres compostos farmacèutics mitjançant tests de degradació anaeròbia. El llot del digestor anaerobi de l’estació depuradora d’aigües residuals (EDAR) de Granollers s’ha emprat com a inòcul. En un primer experiment, s’ha fet l’estudi de l’etapa metanogènica, amb metanol com a substrat i les concentracions de 5, 10 i 20 mg·L-1 d’àcid clofíbric (CLOFI, regulador lípid), ibuprofè (IBU, anti-inflamatori) i carbamazepina (CARBA, antiepilèptic/analgèsic). En un segon experiment, s’ha estudiat l’etapa acetogènica, amb àcid propiònic com a substrat i amb concentracions de 20 i 100 mg·L-1 dels mateixos fàrmacs. Per una banda, en el primer experiment, no s’ha observat degradació dels fàrmacs i cap d’ells presenta toxicitat pel llot anaerobi. CARBA i IBU s’adsorbeixen majoritàriament a la fase sòlida. Per altra banda, en l’etapa acetogènica ni CARBA ni IBU s’han degradat i tampoc presenten toxicitat en cap de les concentracions provades. Com en el cas anterior, la majoria d’aquests fàrmacs queda adsorbit en el llot. En canvi, CLOFI es degrada en 100 mg·L-1 de concentració donant com a producte intermedi un metabòlit.
Resumo:
La darrera reforma del Codi penal espanyol ha suposat la introducció de nous il•lícits penals amb la finalitat de proporcionar respostes més ajustades a les noves realitats criminals. Una d’aquestes modificacions afecta els articles propis de terrorisme i, concretament el 576, que inclou una sèrie de figures delictives noves, com ara, la captació i l’adoctrinament per a cometre activitats terroristes. Tanmateix, aquesta novetat pot provocar malentesos a l’hora d’avaluar el valor de la prova. La captació i l’adoctrinament són fases d’un procés “de radicalització violenta”, sobre el qual no existeix un consens unànime entre els especialistes i acadèmics sobre la descripció del mateix i les variables que hi intervenen. Aquest working paper pretén aportar una visió des de la psicologia social del procés de la radicalització violenta i l’experiència d’una investigació sobre els processos de manipulació psicològica que intervenen en la captació i adoctrinament de terroristes d’una cèl•lula gihadista detectada a presons espanyoles. Els resultats obtinguts poden ser de gran utilitat per realitzar peritatges de la prova més precisos.
Resumo:
Compositional random vectors are fundamental tools in the Bayesian analysis of categorical data.Many of the issues that are discussed with reference to the statistical analysis of compositionaldata have a natural counterpart in the construction of a Bayesian statistical model for categoricaldata.This note builds on the idea of cross-fertilization of the two areas recommended by Aitchison (1986)in his seminal book on compositional data. Particular emphasis is put on the problem of whatparameterization to use
Resumo:
In human Population Genetics, routine applications of principal component techniques are oftenrequired. Population biologists make widespread use of certain discrete classifications of humansamples into haplotypes, the monophyletic units of phylogenetic trees constructed from severalsingle nucleotide bimorphisms hierarchically ordered. Compositional frequencies of the haplotypesare recorded within the different samples. Principal component techniques are then required as adimension-reducing strategy to bring the dimension of the problem to a manageable level, say two,to allow for graphical analysis.Population biologists at large are not aware of the special features of compositional data and normally make use of the crude covariance of compositional relative frequencies to construct principalcomponents. In this short note we present our experience with using traditional linear principalcomponents or compositional principal components based on logratios, with reference to a specificdataset
Resumo:
Videojoc educatiu orientat a nens de 3 i 4 anys on l'objectiu principal és associar objectes que apareixen a l'inici de cada nivell fent servir el control d'un personatge de manera tàctil. El joc s'ha realitzat utilitzant la tecnologia AndEngine d'Android per a dispositius mòbils.
Resumo:
Recent studies of American politics evidence that political polarization of both the electorate and the political elite have moved 'almost in tandem for the past half century' (McCarty et al., 2003, p.2), and that party polarization has steadily increased since the 1970s. On the other hand, the empirical literature on party platforms and implemented policies has consistently found an imperfect but nonnegligible correlation between electoral platforms and governmental policies: while platforms tend to be polarized, policies are moderate or centrist. However, existing theoretical models of political competition are not manifestly compatible with these observations. In this paper, we distinguish between electoral platforms and implemented policies by incorporating a non-trivial policy-setting process. It follows that voters may care not only about the implemented policy but also about the platform they support with their vote. We find that while parties tend to polarize their positions, the risk of alienating their constituency prevents them from radicalizing. The analysis evidences that the distribution of the electorate, and not only the (expected) location of a pivotal voter, matters in determining policies. Our results are consistent with the observation of polarized platforms and moderate policies, and the alienation and indifference components of abstention.
Resumo:
This paper presents a model of electoral competition focusing on the formation of thepublic agenda. An incumbent government and a challenger party in opposition competein elections by choosing the issues that will key out their campaigns. Giving salience toan issue implies proposing an innovative policy proposal, alternative to the status-quo.Parties trade off the issues with high salience in voters concerns and those with broadagreement on some alternative policy proposal. Each party expects a higher probabilityof victory if the issue it chooses becomes salient in the voters decision. But remarkably,the issues which are considered the most important ones by a majority of votes may notbe given salience during the electoral campaign. An incumbent government may survivein spite of its bad policy performance if there is no sufficiently broad agreement on apolicy alternative. We illustrate the analytical potential of the model with the case of theUnited States presidential election in 2004.
Resumo:
This paper analyzes a two-alternative voting model with the distinctive feature that voters have preferences over margins of victory. We study voting contests with a finite as well as an infinite number of voters, and with and without mandatory voting. The main result of the paper is the existence and characterization of a unique equilibrium outcome in all those situations. At equilibrium, voters who prefer a larger support for one of the alternatives vote for such alternative.The model also provides a formal argument for the conditional sincerity voting condition in Alesina and Rosenthal (1995) and the benefit of voting function in Llavador (2006). Finally, we offer new insights on explaining why some citizens may vote strategically for an alternative different from the one declared as the most preferred.
Resumo:
We present an argument for changes in the franchise in which an elite split along economic interests use the suffrage to influence implemented policies. Through the influence of these policies on the character of industrialization, we analyze the effects of franchise changes on economic growth. We identify in the social structure of society an explanation for the connection between enfranchisement and growth: When (1) there exist an economic conflict among the elite, (2) landed classes are not politically strong, and (3) there exists a critical mass of industrial workers, we observe both growth and democratization. The lack of conditions (1) or (2) resolves in stagnant autocracies while the absence of condition (3) drives growth-deterring democratic expansions. We provide historical support for our argument by analyzing the experience of 11 countries.
Resumo:
This paper proposes an argument that explains incumbency advantage without recurring to the collective irresponsibility of legislatures. For that purpose, we exploit the informational value of incumbency: incumbency confers voters information about governing politicians not available from challengers. Because there are many reasons for high reelection rates different from incumbency status, we propose a measure of incumbency advantage that improves the use of pure reelection success. We also study the relationship between incumbency advantage and ideological and selection biases. An important implication of our analysis is that the literature linking incumbency and legislature irresponsibility most likely provides an overestimation of the latter.