14 resultados para Holy Crown of Hungary.

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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Hungary lies entirely within the Carpatho-Pannonian Region (CPR), a dominant tectonic unit of eastern Central Europe. The CPR consists of the Pannonian Basin system, and the arc of the Carpathian Mountains surrounding the lowlands in the north, east, and southeast. In the west, the CPR is bounded by the Eastern Alps, whereas in the south, by the Dinaridic belt. (...)

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Within the scope of the TECNOLONIAL (HAR2008-02834/HIST) project, an archaeologi- cal and archaeometric research is being conduct- ed in order to clarify and systematize transport jars production in the Iberian peninsula and their distribution abroad, especially to the Americas, from the 15th to the 17th century. The production centre of Seville, in the Crown of Castile, produced large glazed and unglazed transport jars, called botijas, which were mainly devoted to the Atlantic trade network. The pres- ent study accounts for the first results obtained from an initial sample of 34 transport jars dated around the 15th-16th centuries from the produc- tion centre of Seville and the reception site of Santa María de la Antigua del Darién (gulf of Urabá, Colombia). This latter site is especially significant since it was the first Spanish founda- tion (1510) in continental America that obtained the title of town, and was the seat for the Governor of the new region called Castilla de Oro, as well as for the first diocese. All individuals were analyzed by means of x-ray fluorescence and diffraction analyses and then compared with the majolica production database from Seville. The results enabled us to define the first refer- ence groups for such modern transport jars, and to get a first insight into the jars coming to the Americas in the early 16th century whose prove- nance can be linked to Seville, but not Triana.

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Aquest treball té per finalitat facilitar el coneixement d'una obra cabdal de la literatura catalana; entendre'n el context temporal -el Renaixement i les seues convulsions polítiques, religioses i culturals, l'època del concili de Trento- i espacial -Tortosa, la Corona d'Aragó, l'Imperi espanyol-, per tal de situar-la dins d'unes coordenades espaciotemporals que facilitin la comprensió de l'obra per a estudiants i estudiosos.

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A través de l'anàlisi de dos sèries de diferents llibres de comptabilitat de Barcelona, els procedents de la gestió dels molins reals i els redactats per una institució eclesiàstica, la Pia Almoina, vam començar a estudiar el mercat del blat a Barcelona durant l'edat mitjana. Hem analitzat anteriorment el valor de les mesures a Barcelona i, per poder qualificar el preu real del pa, també hem estudiat els diferents processos industrials per fer pa de blat. Després, hem analitzat el conjunt d'impostos que pesaven sobre la comercialització de cereals. A través de l'estudi de l'evolució dels preus, hem tractat de fer una primera aproximació de la primera etapa de la crisi baixmedieval, concretament entre 1283 i 1345, tenint en compte els contrastos amb els treballs ja coneguts sobre la base de les fonts on la noció de quantitat no va ser considerada. Finalment, hem comparat els nostres resultats amb alguns treballs referents a la Corona d'Aragó i el món mediterrani, a fi d'obtenir una idea més precisa de la cronologia de les crisis de subsistència

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Durant els segles XV i primera meitat del XVI, tota mena de productes de luxe eren exportats des dels Països Baixos del sud a tota Europa, moda fomentada pels ducs de Borgonya, que governaven el territori. Malgrat el major número d’estudis sobre les relacions entre la Corona de Castella i Flandes a finals de l’Edat Mitjana, i les més nombroses peces flamenques conservades en aquesta regió veïna, també la Corona d’Aragó mantenia intenses relacions comercials amb els Països Baixos del sud, essent la colònia de mercaders catalans de les primeres en establir-se a Bruges, principal port d’exportació a l’època. És nombrosa la documentació referida a naus catalanes viatjant cap al nord, així com als privilegis de què gaudia aquesta colònia de mercaders. Un bon grapat de peces d’aquesta procedència es conserven a museus i institucions locals. Malgrat que de moltes no se’n coneix el moment d’arribada, d’altres es troben ben documentades o se’n pot deduïr la seva presència a Catalunya des de finals de l’Edat Mitjana, conformant un farcit catàleg. D’altra banda, la documentació d’arxiu ens proporciona valuoses notícies sobre la gran quantitat de peces flamenques avui desaparegudes però que haurien existit a l’època, evidenciant que el que avui ens resta no és més que una molt petita porció del que hauria estat a finals de l’Edat Mitjana, i ens permet acostar-nos a una visió de la societat i els seus gustos més propera a la realitat de l’època, posant de manifest que la moda flamenca arrelaria intensament a Catalunya.

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Saint Vicent Ferrer’s personality (1350-1419) has been tackled by researchers in different points of view, and this has meant a proliferation of very diverse studies. There isn’t much, however, the works which has done analysis relating to popular piety and devotion. In this sense, the different hagiographic sources puts us faced with a saint with a very widespread cult in some areas, for instance, the Crown of Aragon and Castille, but also in other european places. As for the last, we detect an import focus of devotion in Brittany, where the saint arrived to preach after being called by Jean V. He died at Vannes (1419), the political capital of the duchy of Brittany, and he was buried in Saint Pierre’s cathedral. Previously to his canonization, his fame as a miracle worker during his life was the reason for his tomb became a real locus sanctus, a place where pilgrims arrived to venerate his relics. These relics had healing and prophylactic properties. Apart from these ones, we have many references of “contact relics” with properties of this kind.

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Procurador reial i nobiliari, cosmògraf, joier, lapidari, mercader i escriptor, i al capdavall, un ciutadà català honrat, en Ferrer (Vidreres, ~1445 – Blanes, 1529) va marxar de ben jove, primer, a la cort de Nàpols, al servei del rei en Ferran I, i després a la cort de Sicília, al servei de la reina na Joana de Sicília. Acabada aquesta peripècia italiana va tornar a Blanes al servei del vescomte de Cabrera i de Bas fins que va morir a la mateixa vila al 1529. Un seu criat, disset anys més tard, va editar uns papers esparsos que havia trobat a can Ferrer, les (sic) Sentèncias cathòlicas del diví poeta Dant florentí, compilades per lo prudentíssim mossèn Jaume Ferrer de Blanes, incloent-hi tres parts. La primera, Conclusions, és un sumari destinat a mostrar (sic) «Entre totas las cosas necessàries a l’home per aconseguir lo seu fi y beatitut eterna principalment són tres»; la segona, Meditació, és una reflexió a fi d’il•luminar els misteris sobre la passió i mort de Jesucrist a (sic) «lo santíssim loch de Calvari»; la tercera, Letras, és un conjunt de dotze documents, entre cartes i d’altres textos, «fetas a mossèn Jaume Ferrer, respostes e regles per ell ordenades en cosmographia y en art de navegar». En Ferrer, home de grans recursos, fa un recorregut per tots els coneixements que havia acumulat al llarg de la seva vida, de Dant Alighieri a Ptolemeu i del marquès de Santillana a Albert Gran o a Aristòtil, fent servir fragments de la Commedia, dels Proverbios, de la Bíblia i de moltes altres autoritats científiques i filosòfiques, en català, italià, espanyol, llatí i, també, set mots en arameu

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A fourteenth century caixa de nuvia (a bride’s case). This article studies a bride’s case, or chest described in the records of a trial that took place in the late fourteenth century, preserved in the Archives of Crown of Aragon. The case was claimed by Eulàlia, a commoner from the region of Barcelona. We study the circumstances of the claim, and then consider the descriptions of the items and the relations between the items and the owner. We stress the structures and the functionality of the chest itself and the meticulous description of contents , mainly second hand household wear and engagement presents. We highlight the relationship between women, especially between the mother and the daughter, and the relationship between these women and their possessions

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The fossil crown wasp Electrostephanus petiolatus Brues comb. rev.(Stephanidae, Electrostephaninae) is re-described from a single male preserved in middle Eocene Baltic Amber. The holotype was lost or destroyed around the time of World War II and subsequent interpretations of its identity have been based solely on the brief descriptive comments provided by Brues in his original account. The new specimen matches the original description and illustration provided by Brues in every detail and we hereby consider them to be conspecific, selecting the specimen as a neotype for the purpose of stabilizing the nomenclature for this fossil species. This neotype exhibits a free first metasomal tergum and sternum, contrary to the assertion of previous workers who indicated these to be fused. Accordingly, this species does indeed belong to the genus Electrostephanus Brues rather than to Denaeostephanus Engel & Grimaldi (Stephaninae). Electrostephanus petiolatus is transferred to a new subgenus, Electrostephanodes n. subgen. , based on its elongate pseudo- petiole and slender gaster, but may eventually warrant generic status as the phylogenetic placement of these fossil lineages continues to be clarifi ed. A revised key to the Baltic amber crown wasps is provided.

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Much of the self-image of the Western university hangs on the idea that research and teaching are intimately connected. The central axiom here is that research and teaching are mutually supportive of each other. An institution lacking such a set of relationships between research and teaching falls short of what it means to be a university. This set of beliefs raises certain questions: Is it the case that the presence of such a mutually supportive set of relationships between research and teaching is a necessary condition of the fulfilment of the idea of the university? (A conceptual question). And is it true that, in practice today, such a mutually supportive set of relationships between research and teaching characterises universities? (An empirical question). In my talk, I want to explore these matters in a critical vein. I shall suggest that: a) In practice today, such a mutually supportive set of relationships between research and teaching is in jeopardy. Far from supporting each other, very often research and teaching contend against each other. Research and teaching are becoming two separate ideologies, with their own interest structures. b) Historically, the supposed tight link between research and teaching is both of recent origin and far from universally achieved in universities. Institutional separateness between research and teaching is and has been evident, both across institutions and even across departments in the same institution. c) Conceptually, research and teaching are different activities: each is complex and neither is reducible to the other. In theory, therefore, research and teaching may be said to constitute a holy alliance but in practice, we see more of an unholy alliance. If, then, in an ideal world, a positive relationship between research and teaching is still a worthwhile goal, how might it be construed and worked for? Seeing research and teaching as two discrete and unified sets of activity is now inadequate. Much better is a construal of research and teaching as themselves complexes, as intermingling pools of activity helping to form the liquid university that is emerging today. On this view, research and teaching are fluid spaces, ever on the move, taking up new shapes, and themselves dividing and reforming, as the university reworks its own destiny in modern society. On such a perspective, working out a productive relationship between research and teaching is a complex project. This is an alliance that is neither holy nor unholy. It is an uneasy alliance, with temporary accommodations and continuous new possibilities.

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Contingent sovereign debt can create important welfare gains. Nonetheless,there is almost no issuance today. Using hand-collected archival data, we examine thefirst known case of large-scale use of state-contingent sovereign debt in history. Philip IIof Spain entered into hundreds of contracts whose value and due date depended onverifiable, exogenous events such as the arrival of silver fleets. We show that this allowedfor effective risk-sharing between the king and his bankers. The data also stronglysuggest that the defaults that occurred were excusable they were simply contingenciesover which Crown and bankers had not contracted previously.

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Using a rich dataset of territories and cities of the Holy Roman Empire in the16th century, this paper investigates the determinants of adoption and diffusion ofProtestantism as a state religion. A territory s distance to Wittenberg, the city whereMartin Luther taught, is a major determinant of adoption. This finding can be explainedthrough a theory of strategic neighbourhood interactions: in an uncertainlegal context, introducing the Reformation was a risky enterprise for territorial lords,and had higher prospects of success if powerful neighbouring states committed tothe new faith first. The model is tested in a panel dataset featuring the dates ofintroduction of the Reformation.

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Many theories, most famously Max Weber s essay on the Protestant ethic, have hypothesizedthat Protestantism should have favored economic development. With their considerablereligious heterogeneity and stability of denominational affiliations until the 19th century, theGerman Lands of the Holy Roman Empire present an ideal testing ground for this hypothesis.Using population figures in a dataset comprising 272 cities in the years 1300 1900, I find no effectsof Protestantism on economic growth. The finding is robust to the inclusion of a varietyof controls, and does not appear to depend on data selection or small sample size. In addition,Protestantism has no effect when interacted with other likely determinants of economic development.I also analyze the endogeneity of religious choice; instrumental variables estimates ofthe effects of Protestantism are similar to the OLS results.

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Interactions between yellow-legged Larus cachinnans and Audouin´s Larus audouinii gulls and fisheries operating around the Chafarinas Islands, located 4.5 km off the Moroccan Mediterranean coast, are reviewed. At the Chafarinas archipelago two distinct types of fisheries operate: trawlers and purse seines. Gulls take advantage of both fisheries. They scavenge trawler discards and congregate around shoals of fish attracted to the surface by the purse-seine lamps. When both trawlers and purse-seine boats are in operation, the diet of both gull species is similar, with epipelagic fish accounting for over 60% of the biomass, partially collected in association with the purse-seine fishery. When only trawlers operated yellow-legged gulls, but not Audouin´s gulls, augmented their diet mainly with human waste from refuse dumps, suggesting that competition for food between the two species is mainly limited to the periods when resources made available by fishery activities are abundant. Likewise, when only trawlers operated, there was an increase in the predation pressure on eggs and chicks of Audouin´s gulls. In particular, during the week of celebrations for the holy lamb festival when neither fishery operated, egg losses of Audouin´s gull increased dramatically, suggesting that severe food shortage caused by the cessation of fishing can result in an increased predation pressure by yellow-legged gulls, affecting Audouin´s gull productivity. These results suggest a novel socio-ecological link between gulls, fisheries and local feasts.