14 resultados para Giles of Santarem, Saint

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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El cristianisme, en els seus inicis, significà per la dona la possibilitat de triar un destí diferent al del matrimoni i la maternitat que li deparava la societat greco-romana. Tanmateix, en el procés d'institucionalització de la nova religió (s. I-IV), la dona, que en les primitives comunitats cristianes havia ocupat llocs de responsabilitats al costat dels seus companys masculins, va quedar relegada al desenvolupament de tasques assistencials. Els canvis experimentats pel rol femení durant aquest període es manifestaran en les transformacions operades a través de la literatura en la figura de Tecla d'Iconi (santa Tecla), un personatge intemporal, tan capaç de representar els diferents arquetips de dona ideal que ha creat l'Església cristiana, com les ànsies emancipadores d'alguns col·lectius feministes.

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En aquest article es resumeixen els resultats publicats en un informe de l' ISS (Istituto Superiore di Sanità) del desembre de 2006, sobre un model matemàtic desenvolupat per un grup de treball que inclou a investigadors de les Universitats de Trento, Pisa i Roma, i els Instituts Nacionals de Salut (Istituto Superiore di Sanità, ISS), per avaluar i mesurar l'impacte de la transmissió i el control de la pandèmia de grip

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We analyze the political support for employment protection legislation. Unlike my previous work on the same topic, this paper pays a lot of attention to the role of obsolescence in the growth process. In voting in favour of employment protection, incumbent employees trade off lower living standards (because employment protection maintains workers in less productive activities) against longer job duration. The support for employment protection will then depend on the value of the latter relative to the cost of the former. We highlight two key deeterminants of this trade-off: first, the workers' bargaining power, second, the economy's growth rate-more precisely its rate of creative destruction.

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Standard economic analysis holds that labor market rigidities are harmfulfor job creation and typically increase unemployment. But many orthodoxreforms of the labor market have proved difficult to implement because ofpolitical opposition. For these reasons it is important to explain why weobserve such regulations. In this paper I outline a theory of how they may arise and why they fit together. This theory is fully developed in aforthcoming book (Saint-Paul (2000)), to which the reader is referred forfurther details.

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We study the earnings structure and the equilibrium assignment of workers when workers exert intra-firm spillovers on each other.We allow for arbitrary spillovers provided output depends on some aggregate index of workers' skill. Despite the possibility of increasing returns to skills, equilibrium typically exists. We show that equilibrium will typically be segregated; that the skill space can be partitioned into a set of segments and any firm hires from only one segment. Next, we apply the model to analyze the effect of information technology on segmentation and the distribution of income. There are two types of human capital, productivity and creativity, i.e. the ability to produce ideas that may be duplicated over a network. Under plausible assumptions, inequality rises and then falls when network size increases, and the poorest workers cannot lose. We also analyze the impact of an improvement in worker quality and of an increased international mobility of ideas.

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In our analysis we try and recover the wage loss from unemploymentin Spain and see how it is affected by previous unemploymentexperience, unemployment duration, eligibility for unemploymentbenefits, and previous wages. We also study its variations acrossgroups. Our main conclusion is that while there is some evidencethat labour market rigidities tend to lower it, the wage loss ofdisplaced workers is remarkably high: more than 30%, that is,twice the equivalent figure for the US and France. Wages in Spainsuffer from a serious mismeasurement problems that we do our best tocontrol, so that our results are less robust than the ones thatwould be obtained with better data sets. However, they indicate a large level of wage flexibility in Spain.

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We analyze the political support for employment protection legislation.Unlike my previous work on the same topic, this paper pays a lot ofattention to the role of obsolescence in the growth process.In voting in favour of employment protection, incumbent employeestrade off lower living standards (because employment protectionmaintains workers in less productive activities) against longer jobduration. The support for employment protection will then depend onthe value of the latter relative to the cost of the former. Wehighlight two key deeterminants of this trade-off: first, the workers'bargaining power, second, the economy's growth rate-more preciselyits rate of creative destruction.

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This paper develops a model of job creation and job destruction in agrowing economy with embodied technical progress, that we use toanalyze the political support for employment protection legislationssuch as the ones that are observed in most European countries.We analyze the possibility of Condorcet cycles due to the fact thatworkers about to become unemployed prefer both an increase and areduction in firing costs over the status quo. Despite this problem, we show the existence of local, and sometimes global majority winners.In voting in favour of employment protection, incumbent employeestrade off lower living standards (because employment protectionmaintains workers in less productive activities) against longer job duration. We show that the gains from, and consequently the politicalsupport for employment protection (as defined by maximunjob tenure) are larger, the lower the rate of creative destruction and the largerthe worker's bargaining power. Numerical simulations suggest a hump-shaped response of firing costs to these variables, as well as negative impact of exogeneous turnover on employment protection.

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We analyze the channels by which an ill-functioning labor market changes the preferences of the people for public policy and therefore the decisions that are made. We not only discuss labour market reform but other important aspects of policy making such as the size and structure of government spending. Theclass of mechanisms that we highlight can be summarized as the very existence of unemployment generating political support for "sclerosis". This may help to explain the timid pace of reform, in particular the fact that any recovery sends them at the backfront of the political agenda, and the sometimes violent opposition generated by some measures, as we have seen mostly in France.

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In this paper we study the structure of labor market flows in Spain and compare them with France and the US. We characterize a number of empirical regularities and stylized facts. One striking result is that the job finding rate is slightly higher than in France, while the jon loss rate is much higher, putting Spain half-way between France and the US. This suggests that while Spain has borne the full cost of its labor market reforms in terms of job precarity, the benefits in terms of job creation have been quite modest. We hypothesize that this has been due to the reform s credibility being imperfect, which leads toexpectation of reversal.

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Two reminiscences from the Cicero's speeches against Catiline in the letters of St Jerome and St Augustine.

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In a medieval Barcelonan side-street, urine, rubbish, and a bewildering array of graphic imagery splatters the narrowing walls between two major thoroughfares. A contemporary conflict between residents, unknown artists and others is played out using banners, bottles, stickers, posters, stencils, spray paint, and bodily substances. In this shadowed liminality, local and global debates are superimposed upon substructures constructed from disease, prostitution, and the Saint of the Plague. The continuing urban struggle constitutes temporal statements of dirt and purity, violence and humour, dominance and resistance, death and salvation. Like the renovated facades masking the crumbling remains of structures long neglected, the government’s literal whitewashing of the art is a temporal cover-up of a discursive symptom stretching from deeply embedded preconditions. However, from his niche in the angular bend of the alley bearing his name, the statue of St. Rock remains unblinkingly staring, raised above the contestations expressed below.