60 resultados para Ethnic

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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We present a model of conflict, in which discriminatory government policy or social intolerance is responsive to various forms of ethnic activism, including violence. It is this perceived responsiveness -captured by the probability that the government gives in and accepts a proponed change in ethnic policy- that induces individuals to mobilize in support for their cause. Yet, mobilization is costly and demonstrators have to be compensated accordingly. Individuals have to weigh their ethnic radicalism with their material well-being to determine the size of their money contribution to the cause. Our main results are: (i) a one-sided increase in radicalism or in population size increases conflict; (ii) a one-sided increase in income has ambiguous effects depending on the elasticity of contributions to income; (iii) an increase in within-group inequality increases conflict; and (iv) an increase in the correlation between ethnic radicalism and inequality also increases conflict.

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In this paper we examine the link between ethnic and religious polarization and conflict using interpersonal distances for ethnic and religious attitudes obtained from the World Values Survey. We use the Duclos et al (2004) polarization index. We measure conflict by means on an index of social unrest, as well as by the standard conflict onset or incidence based on a threshold number of deaths. Our results show that taking distances into account significantly improves the quality of the fit. Our measure of polarization outperforms the measure used by Montalvo and Reynal-Querol (2005) and the fractionalization index. We also obtain that both ethnic and religious polarization are significant in explaining conflict. The results improve when we use an indicator of social unrest as the dependent variable.

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Copy number variants contribute extensively to inter-individual genomic differences, but little is known about their inter-population variability and diversity. In a previous study (Bosch et al., 2007; 16:2572-2582), we reported that the primate-specific gene family FAM90A, which accounts for as many as 25 members in the human reference assembly, has expanded the number of FAM90A clusters across the hominoid lineage. Here we examined the copy number variability of FAM90A genes in 260 HapMap samples of European, African, and Asian ancestry, and showed significant inter-population differences (p<0.0001). Based on the recent study of Stranger et al. (2007; 315:848-853), we also explored the correlation between copy number variability and expression levels of the FAM90A gene family. Despite the high genomic variability, we found a low correlation between FAM90A copy number and expression levels, which could be due to the action of independent trans-acting factors. Our results show that FAM90A is highly variable in copy number between individuals and between populations. However, this variability has little impact on gene expression levels, thus highlighting the importance of genomic variability for genes located in regions containing segmental duplications.

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It has been found that the symbolic elites have a prominent role in the discursive reproduction of racism in society, because they control the public discourse through which many ethnic prejudices are spread and shared. This special position of the mass media requires that the professional education of journalists, also featuring such topics as ethnic studies, diversity and racism, is optimally adapted to the multicultural societies in Europe, North America and Australia. This paper reports about an extensive research project examining ethnic education of journalists in these white-dominated countries, by examining the websites of many journalism and communication departments. Consistent with the general finding that white symbolic elites primarily deny or ignore (their) racism in society, none of the academic programs, anywhere in the world, mentions special classes on racism in the mass media. Finally, a practical proposal is made for a course on ethnic reporting in multicultural societies.

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This paper analyzes the relationship between ethnic fractionalization, polarization, and conflict. In recent years many authors have found empirical evidence that ethnic fractionalization has a negative effect on growth. One mechanism that can explain this nexus is the effect of ethnic heterogeneity on rent-seeking activities and the increase in potential conflict, which is negative for investment. However the empirical evidence supporting the effect of ethnic fractionalization on the incidence of civil conflicts is very weak. Although ethnic fractionalization may be important for growth, we argue that the channel is not through an increase in potential ethnic conflict. We discuss the appropriateness of indices of polarization to capture conflictive dimensions. We develop a new measure of ethnic heterogeneity that satisfies the basic properties associated with the concept of polarization. The empirical section shows that this index of ethnic polarization is a significant variable in the explanation of the incidence of civil wars. This result is robust to the presence of other indicators of ethnic heterogeneity, other sources of data for the construction of the index, and other data structures.

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This paper ia an attempt to clarify the relationship between fractionalization,polarization and conflict. The literature on the measurement of ethnic diversityhas taken as given that the proper measure for heterogeneity can be calculatedby using the fractionalization index. This index is widely used in industrialeconomics and, for empirical purposes, the ethnolinguistic fragmentation isready available for regression exercises. Nevertheless the adequacy of asynthetic index of hetergeneity depends on the intrinsic characteristicsof the heterogeneous dimension to be measured. In the case of ethnicdiversity there is a very strong conflictive dimension. For this reasonwe argue that the measure of heterogeneity should be one of the class ofpolarization measures. In fact the intuition of the relationship betweenconflict and fractionalization do not hold for more than two groups. Incontrast with the usual problem of polarization indices, which are ofdifficult empirical implementation without making some arbitrary choiceof parameters, we show that the RQ index, proposed by Reynal-Querol (2002),is the only discrete polarization measure that satisfies the basic propertiesof polarization. Additionally we present a derivation of the RQ index froma simple rent seeking model. In the empirical section we show that whileethnic polarization has a positive effect on civil wars and, indirectly ongrowth, this effect is not present when we use ethnic fractionalization.

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This paper analyzes the relationship between ethnic fractionalization, polarization, and conflict. In recent years many authors have found empirical evidence that ethnic fractionalization has a negative effect on growth. One mechanism that can explain this nexus is the effect of ethnic heterogeneity on rent-seeking activities and the increase in potential conflict, which is negative for investment. However the empirical evidence supporting the effect of ethnic fractionalization on the incidence of civil conflicts is very weak. Although ethnic fractionalization may be important for growth, we argue that the channel is not through an increase in potential ethnic conflict. We discuss the appropriateness of indices of polarization to capture conflictive dimensions. We develop a new measure of ethnic heterogeneity that satisfies the basic properties associated with the concept of polarization. The empirical section shows that this index of ethnic polarization is a significant variable in the explanation of the incidence of civil wars. This result is robust to the presence of other indicators of ethnic heterogeneity, other sources of data for the construction of the index, and other data structures.

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[spa] En este trabajo se analiza la relación entre la heterogeneidad étnica y la redistribución, utilizando la reciente y masiva llegada de inmigrantes a España. En concreto, se estudia el efecto de los cambios en la densidad de inmigrantes, observada entre 1998 y 2006, sobre los cambios en el gasto social municipal. La densidad de inmigrantes se instrumenta utilizando los patrones de establecimiento por país de origen para asignar los flujos predichos de inmigrantes a cada municipio. Los resultados evidencian que el gasto social incrementó menos en los municipios con mayores incrementos en la densidad de inmigrantes. También se proporciona evidencia de la existencia de una relación positiva entre la densidad de inmigrantes y el porcentaje de voto obtenidos por los partidos de derecha. Por tanto, estos resultados son consistentes con las teorías que predicen una relación negativa entre la heterogeneidad étnica y la redistribución.

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[spa] En este trabajo se analiza la relación entre la heterogeneidad étnica y la redistribución, utilizando la reciente y masiva llegada de inmigrantes a España. En concreto, se estudia el efecto de los cambios en la densidad de inmigrantes, observada entre 1998 y 2006, sobre los cambios en el gasto social municipal. La densidad de inmigrantes se instrumenta utilizando los patrones de establecimiento por país de origen para asignar los flujos predichos de inmigrantes a cada municipio. Los resultados evidencian que el gasto social incrementó menos en los municipios con mayores incrementos en la densidad de inmigrantes. También se proporciona evidencia de la existencia de una relación positiva entre la densidad de inmigrantes y el porcentaje de voto obtenidos por los partidos de derecha. Por tanto, estos resultados son consistentes con las teorías que predicen una relación negativa entre la heterogeneidad étnica y la redistribución.

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This study explored ethnic identity among 410 mestizo students who were attending one of three universities, which varied in their ethnic composition and their educative model. One of these universities was private and had mostly mestizo students such as the public one did. The third educative context, also public, had an intercultural model of education and the students were mixed among mestizo and indigenous. The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) was administered to high school students in order to compare their scores on ethnic identity and its components: affi rmation, belonging or commitment and exploration. Principle components factor analysis with varimax rotation and tests of mean group differences are performed. The results showed signifi cant differences between the studied groups. Scores on ethnic identity and its components were signifi cantly higher among mestizos group from University with intercultural model of education than mestizos from public and private universities of the same region. Implications of these fi ndings for education are considered, as they are the strengths as well as the limitations of this research

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This study explored ethnic identity among 662 students (326 mestizos and 336 indigenous) from the Intercultural University of Chiapas (IUCh). Scholars suggest that ethnicity is more salient for ethnic minority adolescents than for adolescents who are members of the ethnic majority. The aims for this study were: 1) to determine the structure and validity of ethnic identity as measured by the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure in a sample of majority and minority ethnic groups from Intercultural University in Chiapas, and 2) to examine the variability of ethnic identity across ethnic groups. Specifically, it was hypothesized that the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure would show two factors, and that ethnic groups would differ on ethnic identity. The results supported the hypotheses

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This study explored the ethnic identity among 331 emerging adults (144 mestizos and 187 indigenous) from the Intercultural University of Chiapas (México). Scholars suggest that ethnicity is much more salient for ethnic minority adolescents than for adolescents who are members of the ethnic majority. Our aim was to compare the results of the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) between the majority ethnic group and the minority group studied. Specifically, the following hypothesis was examined: adolescents who are members of the ethnic minority group (indigenous) will score significantly higher on ethnic identity than adolescents who are members of the ethnic majority group (mestizos). The results supported these hypothesis. We suggest that the effect of an intercultural educative model could explain these results

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A theory of network-entrepreneurs or "spin-off system" is presented in this paper for the creation of firms based on the community’s social governance. It is argued that firm’s capacity for accumulation depends on the presence of employees belonging to the same social/ethnic group with expectations of "inheriting" the firm and becoming entrepreneurs once they have been selected for their merits and loyalty towards their patrons. Such accumulation is possible because of the credibility of the patrons’ promises of supporting newcomers due to high social cohesion and specific social norms prevailing in the community. This theory is exemplified through the case of the Barcelonnettes, a group of immigrants from the Alps in the South of France (Provence) who came to Mexico in the XIX Century.