Programa de introducción a la investigación y al desarrollo de las destrezas comunicativas (hablar y escribir correctamente): aplicación, desarrollo y resultados

Ante el nuevo reto que supone la adaptación al Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior (EEES) con una acción política que propone introducir importantes modificaciones en la concepción del proceso de enseñanza-aprendizaje entre las que se encuentran el replanteamiento del papel del profesor y del alumno, y el proceder metodológico en la acción docente, todos los agentes educativos deben aunar esfuerzos para articular medidas que posibiliten la adaptación a este nuevo escenario de manera óptima. Las universidades están ofreciendo a los docentes herramientas que puedan facilitar el acceso a los procesos de innovación educativa que exige el nuevo espacio de formación. En este marco es donde nace el proyecto titulado 'Programa de Introducción a la Investigación y al Desarrollo de las Destrezas Comunicativas (hablar y escribir correctamente)' que, valiéndose de los recursos tecnológicos que nos ofrece el Servicio de Innovación Educativa de la Universidad de Málaga, busca mejorar las competencias de expresión oral y escrita de los alumnos, así como la capacidad para organizar sus trabajos de investigación de manera rigurosa y ordenada, siguiendo una secuenciación razonada y científica. En la presente comunicación se detallan los objetivos del proyecto, la descripción del mismo, el modo de proceder en su desarrollo, las partes de las que ha constado y las conclusiones a las que se ha llegado.

The Rise of democracy in Europe and the fight against mass poverty in Latin America: the implications for marxist thought of some recent mainstream papers

Recently a number of mainstream papers have treated the rise of democracy in 19th century Europe and its instability in Latin America in an eminently Marxist fashion. This paper sets out their implications for Marxist thought. With respect to Europe, Marx's emphasis on political action backed by the threat of violence is vindicated but his justification for socialism is not. With respect to Latin America, the unequal distribution of wealth is the cause of political instability that is, in turn, the root cause of mass poverty. In addition it is possible to explain some of the paradoxical characteristics of neo-liberalism and to make a weak argument for socialism in spite of its rejection in Europe.

Documentació: localització i gestió de fonts d'informació

Referència del llibre complet a: http://cataleg.ub.edu/record=b2012692~S1*cat

Documentació: localització i gestió de fonts d'informació

Referència del llibre complet a: http://cataleg.ub.edu/record=b2012692~S1*cat

La élite municipal leridana bajo los Austrias

¿Cómo y respondiendo a qué intereses fue ejercido el poder municipal por las élites locales catalanas en el periodo de la formación del Estado moderno hispánico? tales son las cuestiones fundamentales que se intentan responder acudiendo al ejemplo concreto de la ciudad de Lleida, población altamente representativa del entorno urbano catalán dominante en los siglos XVI y XVII. Una breve introducción al marco urbano o institucional catalán abre paso al núcleo del estudio centrado en la caracterización social de la élite gobernante. La evolución del grupo social que dirigía la ciudad, sus características socio-económicas, la movilidad de sus integrantes o sus comportamientos familiares, conforman un retrato que culmina con el análisis de sus actitudes en el gobierno municipal y su actuación política en los siglos de los Austrias.

Action Research : the first steps to start up a pilot experiment in heritage education

Peer-reviewed

Embodying feminist research: learning from action research, political practices, diffractions and collective knowledge.

In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.

Embodying feminist research: learning from action research, political practices, diffractions and collective knowledge.

In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.

Action Research : the first steps to start up a pilot experiment in heritage education

Peer-reviewed

Political elites in federalized countries: the case of Spain (1980-2005)

This paper explores the social profile of the regional elite that has emerged in Spain since the federalization of the State. For the first time, researchers present data about crucial variables like gender, place of birth, age, education, and profession. They make interregional comparisons, and try to explain some unexpected findings like the behavior of political elites in some regions like Catalonia. The authors compare also the social profile of MPs of the two largest parties.

Discursos y representaciones médico-sanitarias en el cine documental colonial español de la posguerra (1939-1950)

El objetivo de este estudio es contribuir al entendimiento, desde un punto de vista histórico, del papel que juega el cine en los procesos de popularización de la ciencia, la medicina y la tecnología. El punto de partida es la consideración de la medicina y del cine como conjuntos complejos y multidimensionales de “prácticas y discursos” de carácter científico-tecnológico y, por tanto, como formas particulares de acción e interacción cotidiana entre personas, colectivos e instituciones que juegan un papel básico en los procesos de construcción y funcionamiento de las sociedades contemporáneas. Así, mediante el análisis de la representación y articulación de las prácticas y los discursos médico-sanitarios en el cine documental colonial español del primer franquismo, es decir, en el caso particular de la construcción, legitimación y consolidación de un régimen totalitario, se aportan algunas claves explicativas sobre las múltiples relaciones entre diferentes colectivos (expertos y no-expertos) en cuanto a la naturaleza y el nivel de intervención en los procesos de generación y gestión de conocimiento científico-tecnológico. Como resultado, el cine se revela como un espacio no sólo de evasión y entretenimiento, sino también de ciencia y educación, donde la capacidad de definir y solucionar problemas cotidianos de la población, y por tanto, su impacto en la construcción de la arquitectura social, ideológica, económica, política y cultural de las sociedades contemporáneas, se fundamenta en la combinación de sus aspectos como espectáculo narrativo y científico-tecnológico.

Higher education as formation of the self and citizenship: an ethnography of the University Students from Amman, Jordan

My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.

The relationships between technology and open education in the development of a resilient higher education

The place of technology in the development of coherent educational responses to environmental and socio-economic disruption is here placed under scrutiny. One emerging area of interest is the role of technology in addressing more complex learning futures, and more especially in facilitating individual and social resilience, or the ability to manage and overcome disruption. However, the extent to which higher education practitioners can utilise technology to this end is framed by their approaches to the curriculum, and the socio-cultural practices within which they are located. This paper discusses how open education might enable learners to engage with uncertainty through social action within a form of higher education that is more resilient to economic, environmental and energy-related disruption. It asks whether open higher education can be (re)claimed by users and communities within specific contexts and curricula, in order to engage with an uncertain world.

Opening Education Beyond the Property Relation: From Commons to Communism

Open Education, and specifically the OER movement, seeks to provide universal access to knowledge, undermining the historical enclosure and the increasing privatisation of the public education system. In this paper we examine this aspiration by submitting the implicit theoretical assumptions of Open Education to the test of critical political economy. We acknowledge the Open Education movement's revolutionary potential but outline the inherent limitations of its current focus on the commons (property relations) rather than the social relations of capitalist production (wage work, the company) and because of this, argue that it will only achieve limited, rather than revolutionary, impact.