47 resultados para Conflict (Psychology)

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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Este artículo se basa en algunas tendencias actuales en el campo de la psicología moral, que buscan comprender la naturaleza de los juicios y de las acciones morales, incorporando el papel de la afectividad en tales procesos. Para alcanzar este objetivo, se presentan algunos trabajos recientes así como los datos relativos a una investigación, en la cual se pretende identificar y analizar las posibles relaciones entre los estados emocionales, los razonamientos morales y la organización del pensamiento de los sujetos cuando se les pedía que resolvieran conflictos de naturaleza moral. Entre sus resultados, se encontró una fuerte relación entre el estado emocional de los sujetos y la forma en que organizan su pensamiento. A partir de las nuevas contribuciones teóricas que recientemente van surgiendo en este campo de estudio, se discute la necesidad de investigar cómo la educación moral puede ser pautada basándose en principios distintos de aquéllos relacionados con el desarrollo y la construcción de la habilidad racional de justicia. Sin negar la importancia de tal construcción, se defiende el principio de que la educación debe también ocuparse de la construcción y organización de la dimensión afectiva del psiquismo, buscando la formación de personalidades morales que integren en sus juicios y acciones, al mismo tiempo, los intereses personales y los colectivos.

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En este artículo exploro la utilización discursiva del espacio público, entendido como un recurso retórico para la acción social localizada. A partir de extractos de documentos escritos y de entrevistas en profundidad, el análisis se centra en el uso retórico de formulaciones espaciales y construcciones de relaciones persona-lugar por parte de diversos agentes sociales e institucionales confrontados por la definición urbanística de un espacio en conflicto. La labor discursiva detectada incluye el manejo retórico de construcciones cultural e ideológicamente organizadas de la territorialidad urbana, usos argumentativos de categorías sociales localizadas y de guiones comportamentales para la elaboración de modos normativos de convivencia en el espacio público, y el empleo retórico de procesos simbólicos espacialmente arraigados. El propósito es contribuir a un examen crítico de los fenómenos socioespaciales conflictivos desde un enfoque discursivo, buscando visibilizar las tensiones sociales implicadas en el intento deliberado de controlar y ordenar el espacio urbano.

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In this study, a brief Work-Family Conflict (WFC) Questionnaire in the Spanish language is proposed that takes into account the two directions commonly reported in the literature: work interference with family (WIF), and family interference with work (FIW). The results obtained through exploratory factor analyses (EFA) and confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) with two independent samples, carried out for women and men, showed acceptable validity and reliability. A copy of the instrument in Spanish language is provided, together with the Amos 4 syntax to perform the factor invariance analysis for women and men. The suggested Work-Family Conflict Questionnaire (in Spanish, abbreviated as CCTF) may be useful in studies performed in the work setting, considering the special relevance of the concept in this line of research.

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We present a model of conflict, in which discriminatory government policy or social intolerance is responsive to various forms of ethnic activism, including violence. It is this perceived responsiveness -captured by the probability that the government gives in and accepts a proponed change in ethnic policy- that induces individuals to mobilize in support for their cause. Yet, mobilization is costly and demonstrators have to be compensated accordingly. Individuals have to weigh their ethnic radicalism with their material well-being to determine the size of their money contribution to the cause. Our main results are: (i) a one-sided increase in radicalism or in population size increases conflict; (ii) a one-sided increase in income has ambiguous effects depending on the elasticity of contributions to income; (iii) an increase in within-group inequality increases conflict; and (iv) an increase in the correlation between ethnic radicalism and inequality also increases conflict.

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A recent upsurge of empirical studies on the causes of conflict attempts to connect various features of the distribution of the relevant characteristic (typically ethnicity or religion) to conflict. The distributional indices differ (polarization, fractionalization or Lorenz-domination) and so do the various specifications of "conflict" (onset, incidence or intensity). Overall, the results are far from clear, and combined with the mixture of alternative indices and notions of "conflict" it is not surprising that the reader may come away thoroughly perplexed. The aim of this paper is to provide a theoretical framework that permits us to distinguish between the occurrence of conflict and its severity and that clarifies the role of polarization and fractionalization in each of these cases.

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Descripció i anàlisi dels instruments polítics, econòmics, civils i militars de la Unió Europea per enfrontar qualsevol conflicte.

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Contribució al Seminari: "Les Euroregions: Experiències i aprenatges per a l’Euroregió Pirineus-Mediterrània", 15-16 de desembre de 2005

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We study how conflict in a contest game is influenced by rival parties being groups and by group members being able to punish each other. Our main motivation stems from the analysis of socio-political conflict. The relevant theoretical prediction in our setting is that conflict expenditures are independent of group size and independent of whether punishment is available or not. We find, first, that our results contradict the independence of group-size prediction: conflict expenditures of groups are substantially larger than those of individuals, and both are substantially above equilibrium. Towards the end of the experiment material losses in groups are 257% of the predicted level. There is, however, substantial heterogeneity in the investment behaviour of individual group members. Second, allowing group members to punish each other after individual contributions to the contest effort are revealed leads to even larger conflict expenditures. Now material losses are 869% of the equilibrium level and there is much less heterogeneity in individual group members' investments. These results contrast strongly with those from public goods experiments where punishment enhances efficiency and leads to higher material payoffs.

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La fibromialgia es un síndrome caracterizado por la presencia de dolor músculo-esquelético generalizado, difuso y crónico. La etiología es desconocida y es diagnóstico es exclusivamente clínico. Además hasta el momento el tratamiento se centra únicamente en la reducción de síntomas. Todas estas características influyen en gran medida en la vivencia que tienen estas pacientes de la enfermedad, así como en la imagen que tienen de sí mismas. Diversos autores han enfatizado la importancia de estudiar los fenómenos relacionados con la identidad en las situaciones de dolor crónico. En este informe se presentan los dos estudios realizados durante los cuatro años de beca en torno al estudio del autoconcepto y la identidad en mujeres con fibromialgia. Ambos estudios se enmarcan dentro de la Psicología de los Constructos Personales de George Kelly y utilizan la técnica de rejilla como principal instrumento de evaluación. En el primer estudio se realiza una comparación de las medidas de construcción del sí mismo y de estructura cognitiva entre un grupo de mujeres con fibromialgia (n = 30) y un grupo de mujeres sin fibromialgia (n = 30). Encontramos que las mujeres de nuestra muestra presentan una mayor discrepancia entre el “yo actual” y el “yo ideal”, una menor adecuación percibida en los otros y mayor probabilidad de presentar algún conflicto cognitivo. Estos resultados preliminares nos llevaron a plantearnos la relación entre estos factores cognitivos y el tratamiento. Por ello, el segundo estudio consiste en un estudio de casos en el que se realiza un tratamiento individualizado (terapia cognitivo-constructivista) con cada una de las participantes y se analizan en detalle, a través de un grupo de trabajo, estos factores cognitivos y su relación con la evolución del tratamiento. Este segundo estudio sigue en curso, por lo que se presentan sólo unos resultados preliminares.

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In this paper we study a behavioral model of conflict that provides a basis for choosing certain indices of dispersion as indicators for conflict. We show that the (equilibrium) level of conflict can be expressed as an (approximate) linear function of the Gini coefficient, the Herfindahl-Hirschman fractionalization index, and a specific measure of polarization due to Esteban and Ray

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We study comparative statics of manipulations by women in the men-proposing deferred acceptance mechanism in the two-sided one-to-one marriage market. We prove that if a group of women employs truncation strategies or weakly successfully manipulates, then all other women weakly benefit and all men are weakly harmed. We show that our results do not appropriately generalize to the many-to-one college admissions model.

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This paper examines the impact of ethnic divisions on conflict. The analysis relies on a theoretical model of conflict (Esteban and Ray, 2010) in which equilibrium conflict is shown to be accurately described by a linear function of just three distributional indices of ethnic diversity: the Gini coefficient, the Hirschman-Herfindahl fractionalization index, and a measure of polarization. Based on a dataset constructed by James Fearon and data from Ethnologue on ethno-linguistic groups and the "linguistic distances" between them, we compute the three distribution indices. Our results show that ethnic polarization is a highly significant correlate of conflict. Fractionalization is also significant in some of the statistical exercises, but the Gini coefficient never is. In particular, inter-group distances computed from language and embodied in polarization measures turn out to be extremely important correlates of ethnic conflict.

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Is there a link between decentralized governance and conflict prevention? This article tries to answer the question by presenting the state of the art of the intersection of both concepts. Provided that social conflict is inevitable and given the appearance of new threats and types of violence, as well as new demands for security based on people (human security), our societies should focus on promoting peaceful changes. Through an extensive analysis of the existing literature and the study of several cases, this paper suggests that decentralized governance can contribute to these efforts by transforming conflicts, bringing about power-sharing and inclusion incentives of minority groups. Albeit the complexity of assessing its impact on conflict prevention, it can be contended that decentralized governance might have very positive effects on the reduction of causes that bring about conflicts due to its ability to foster the creation of war/violence preventors. More specifically, this paper argues that decentralization can have a positive impact on the so-called triggers and accelerators (short- and medium-term causes).

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Populations displaced as a result of mass violent conflict have become one of the most pressing humanitarian concerns of the last decades. They have also become one salient political issue as a perceived burden (in economic and security terms) and as an important piece in the shift towards a more interventionist paradigm in the international system, based on both humanitarian and security grounds. The saliency of these aspects has detracted attention from the analysis of the interactions between relocation processes and violent conflict. Violent conflict studies have also largely ignored those interactions as a result of the consideration of these processes as mere reaction movements determined by structural conditions. This article takes the view that individual’s agency is retained during such processes, and that it is consequential, calling for the need to introduce a micro perspective. Based on this, a model for the individual’s decision of return is presented. The model has the potential to account for the dynamics of return at both the individual and the aggregate level. And it further helps to grasp fundamental interconnections with violent conflict. Some relevant conclusions are derived for the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina and about the implications of the politicization of return.

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The Barcelona Forum aimed to generate both a theoretical and practical discussion on decentralized governance and its capacity to promote peace, prevent conflict, advance human security and ensure greater governmental accountability. The Forum intended to review the theoretical strength of decentralization as a political tool and discuss how it can be properly implemented. Eight case studies were selected to be covered during the two days in order to draw conclusions and offer proposals for the future implementation of decentralization. The case of Catalonia and the decentralized experience of Spain was given special attention, as an example of successful decentralization. The other cases presented achievements and challenges and prompted discussions on both the validity and universality of decentralization as a way to promote and preserve peace. Topics such as ethnic and territorial divisions, democratic accountability, financial decentralization and distribution, resource sharing, and external implementation of decentralization through peace processes were discussed.