14 resultados para Combermere, Stapleton Cotton, 1st viscount, 1773-1865.
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
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According to official statistics, disabled people in Spain number 3.5 million and make up 8.8% of the Spanish population. This group of people are increasingly being recognised as members of society with equal rights, and many of their demands are gradually being transformed into solutions that benefit society as a whole. One example is improved accessibility. Accessible built environments are more human and inclusive places, as well as being easier to get around. Improved accessibility is now recognised as a requirement shared by all members of society, although it is achieved thanks to the demands of disabled people and their representatives. The 1st National Accessibility Plan is a strategic framework for action aimed at ensuring that new products, services and built environments are designed to be accessible for as many people as possible (Design for All) and that existing ones are gradually duly adapted.
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Article dedicat a les colònies d'estiuejants de final del segle XIX i primeres dècades del XX a la comarca de la Selva
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Economists and economic historians want to know how much better life is today than in the past.Fifty years ago economic historians found surprisingly small gains from 19th century US railroads,while more recently economists have found relatively large gains from electricity, computers and cellphones. In each case the implicit or explicit assumption is that researchers were measuring the valueof a new good to society. In this paper we use the same techniques to find the value to society ofmaking existing goods cheaper. Henry Ford did not invent the car, and the inventors of mechanisedcotton spinning in the industrial revolution invented no new product. But both made existing productsdramatically cheaper, bringing them into the reach of many more consumers. That in turn haspotentially large welfare effects. We find that the consumer surplus of Henry Ford s production linewas around 2% by 1923, 15 years after Ford began to implement the moving assembly line, while themechanisation of cotton spinning was worth around 6% by 1820, 34 years after its initial invention.Both are large: of the same order of magnitude as consumer expenditure on these items, and as largeor larger than the value of the internet to consumers. On the social savings measure traditionally usedby economic historians, these process innovations were worth 15% and 18% respectively, makingthem more important than railroads. Our results remind us that process innovations can be at least asimportant for welfare and productivity as the invention of new products.
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This paper examines changes in the organization of the Spanish cotton industry from 1720 to 1860 in its core region of Catalonia. As the Spanish cotton industry adopted the most modern technology and experienced the transition to the factory system, cotton spinning and weaving mills became increasingly vertically integrated. Asset specificity more than other factors explained this tendency towards vertical integration. The probability for a firm of being vertically integrated was higher among firms located in districts with high concentration ratios and rose with size and the use of modern machinery. Simultaneously, subcontracting predominated in other phases of production and distribution where transaction costs appears to be less important.
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This paper deals whit the dynamics of the Catalan textile labour market (theSpanish region that concentrated most of the industrial and factory activity duringthe 19 Century) and offers hypotheses and results on the impact it had on livingstandards and fertility levels. We observe the formation of an uneven labourmarket in which male supply for labour (excluding women and children) grewmuch faster than the demand. We stress the fact that labour supply is verydependant on institutional factors liked to the transmition of household propertybetween generations. Instead the slow path of growth of adult males demand forlabour is witnessing the limits of this industry to expand and to compete ininternational markets. The strategy of working class families to adapt to scarceopportunities of employment we document here is the diminution of legitimatefertility levels. Fertility control is the direct instrument we think workers have tocontrol their number in a situation that was likely to create labour surpluses in theshort and mid run.
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This article describes the ways in which cotton goods were commercialised during the nineteenth century and the first third of the twentieth. Several national cases are analysed: Britain, as the Workshop of the World; France, Germany, Switzerland and the US, as core economies; and Italy and Spain as countries on the European periphery. The main question that we address is why some cotton industries vertically integrated their production and commercialisation processes, but others did not. We present a model that combines industrial district size and product differentiation to explain why vertical integration was present in most cases and why there was vertical specialisation in Lancashire and Lowell.
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[cat] La historiografia ha assenyalat que en el segle XIX el crèdit que els fabricants cotoners catalans oferien als seus clients era de caràcter informal i, per tant, impossible de ser transferit al sistema bancari. Això hauria tingut un efecte negatiu en la rendibilitat de les empreses cotoneres. A partir de l’anàlisi de diversos arxius empresarials, així com de fonts judicials i notarials, aquest treball confirma aquesta descripció dels fets però proposa una interpretació més optimista. Els fabricants feien de banquers dels seus clients perquè eren els millor situats per a exercir aquesta funció. Havien construït una bona estructura d’informació, gestionaven eficientment el risc creditici i obtenien beneficis d’aquesta activitat.
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This article describes the ways in which cotton goods were commercialised during the nineteenth century and the first third of the twentieth. Several national cases are analysed: Britain, as the Workshop of the World; France, Germany, Switzerland and the US, as core economies; and Italy and Spain as countries on the European periphery. The main question that we address is why some cotton industries vertically integrated their production and commercialisation processes, but others did not. We present a model that combines industrial district size and product differentiation to explain why vertical integration was present in most cases and why there was vertical specialisation in Lancashire and Lowell.
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[cat] La historiografia ha assenyalat que en el segle XIX el crèdit que els fabricants cotoners catalans oferien als seus clients era de caràcter informal i, per tant, impossible de ser transferit al sistema bancari. Això hauria tingut un efecte negatiu en la rendibilitat de les empreses cotoneres. A partir de l’anàlisi de diversos arxius empresarials, així com de fonts judicials i notarials, aquest treball confirma aquesta descripció dels fets però proposa una interpretació més optimista. Els fabricants feien de banquers dels seus clients perquè eren els millor situats per a exercir aquesta funció. Havien construït una bona estructura d’informació, gestionaven eficientment el risc creditici i obtenien beneficis d’aquesta activitat.
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Background: Odorant-Degrading Enzymes (ODEs) are supposed to be involved in the signal inactivation step within the olfactory sensilla of insects by quickly removing odorant molecules from the vicinity of the olfactory receptors. Only three ODEs have been both identified at the molecular level and functionally characterized: two were specialized in the degradation of pheromone compounds and the last one was shown to degrade a plant odorant. Methodology: Previous work has shown that the antennae of the cotton leafworm Spodoptera littoralis , a worldwide pest of agricultural crops, express numerous candidate ODEs. We focused on an esterase overexpressed in males antennae, namely SlCXE7. We studied its expression patterns and tested its catalytic properties towards three odorants, i.e. the two female sex pheromone components and a green leaf volatile emitted by host plants. Conclusion: SlCXE7 expression was concomitant during development with male responsiveness to odorants and during adult scotophase with the period of male most active sexual behaviour. Furthermore, SlCXE7 transcription could be induced by male exposure to the main pheromone component, suggesting a role of Pheromone-Degrading Enzyme. Interestingly, recombinant SlCXE7 was able to efficiently hydrolyze the pheromone compounds but also the plant volatile, with a higher affinity for the pheromone than for the plant compound. In male antennae, SlCXE7 expression was associated with both long and short sensilla, tuned to sex pheromones or plant odours, respectively. Our results thus suggested that a same ODE could have a dual function depending of it sensillar localisation. Within the pheromone-sensitive sensilla, SlCXE7 may play a role in pheromone signal termination and in reduction of odorant background noise, whereas it could be involved in plant odorant inactivation within the short sensilla.
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[eng] Proceedings for the 1st Conference on Arts-Based and Artistic Research: Critical Reflections on the Intersection of Art and Research. University of Barcelona, January 31st - February 1st, 2013.
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La aproximación habitual en el estudio de la difusión del consumo de un alimento, además de descomponer su aportación nutricional, consiste en estudiar la evolución de sus consumos medios. Pero en todo proceso de difusión de un nuevo producto, establecer el consumo promedio es tan importante como conocer el número de consumidores. Este artículo propone un análisis de la recepción del consumo de leche entre la población española atendiendo a ambas dimensiones entre finales del siglo XIX y 1981. Esto es, se combinará el conocimiento de la evolución del número de consumidores con el de sus niveles medios de consumo. Adoptar este planteamiento supone enfrentarse con el problema de la ausencia de datos sobre la magnitud de consumidores en las fuentes estadísticas disponibles. Este artículo propone una estrategia metodológica diseñada para reconstruir la evolución de esa población tanto en una escala temporal como espacial.
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Desde su nacimiento a mediados del siglo XIX en Rochdale (Gran Bretaña), el movimiento cooperativo de consumo se expandió rápidamente por toda Europa. Conocer cómo funcionaron estas entidades puede proporcionar nuevos elementos de análisis sobre el consumo de alimentos, especialmente en aquellas regiones o ciudades donde tuvieron una mayor difusión. Las cooperativas de consumo distribuían alimentos básicos entre sus asociados, por lo que pudieron constituir un importante mecanismo de acceso a los alimentos en las primeras fases de la transición nutricional. En esta investigación se propone una primera aproximación a la evolución del cooperativismo de consumo en España entre mediados del siglo XIX y la Guerra Civil, prestando especial atención a su desarrollo cronológico y geográfico; estructura ideológica; organización y gestión interna; y a su impacto en la dieta. Las primeras conclusiones indican que el cooperativismo de consumo en España se desarrolló más tarde que en otros países de Europa, y que se localizó en las regiones más industrializadas y urbanizadas del país. Este cooperativismo estuvo inicialmente muy vinculado a las organizaciones obreras, y más tarde también bajo la influencia de la Iglesia Católica. Principalmente distribuían alimentos básicos a precios de mercado entre los asociados y sus familiares, a los que además se les ofrecían servicios de tipo asistencial, cultural y educativo. Es decir, eran cooperativas que respondían al modelo rochdaliano y que no ayudaron en gran medida a la difusión de nuevos alimentos en el marco de la transición nutricional, pero sí a mantener los niveles de vida en segmentos de población urbana con bajos ingresos que debían acceder a los productos básicos por vía monetaria.
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First International Seminar on Higher EducationRankings and e-Learning. Proceedings