Children in the welfare state. A social investment approach

Children occupy centre-stage in any new welfare equilibrium. Failure to support families may produce either of two undesirable scenarios. We shall see a society without children if motherhood remains incompatible with work. A new family policy needs to recognize that children are a collective asset and that the cost of having children is rising. The double challenge is to eliminate the constraints on having children in the first place, and to ensure that the children we have are ensured optimal opportunities. The simple reason why a new social contract is called for is that fertility and child quality combine both private utility and societal gains. And like no other epoch in the past, the societal gains are mounting all-the-while that families’ ability to produce these social gains is weakening.In the following 1 analyze the twin challenges of fertility and child development. I then examine which kind of policy mix will ensure both the socially desired level of fertility and investment in our children? The task is to identify a Paretian optimum that will maximize efficiency gains and social equity simultaneously.

The Generational contract in the family : explaining regime differences in financial transfers from parents to children in Europe

The exchange of social and economic support between the generationsis one of the main pillars of both family life and welfare systems. Thedebate on how to reform the generational contract is still truncated, however, by focusing on its public dimension only, especially on pensions and health care provisions. For a full account, the transfer of resources between adult generations in the family needs to be included as well. In our previous research we have shown that intergenerationalexchange is more likely to take place but less intense in the Nordicwelfare regime than in the Continental and Southern ones. In thepresent paper we analyze the social mechanisms that create and explain this nexus between patterns of intergenerational transfers and welfare regimes. The notion that Southern European family support networksare stronger and more effective than those of Continental and Northern European countries is only partially confirmed. In Southern (and partly in Continental) countries, children are mostly supported by means of co-residence with their parents till their complete economicindependence. However, once they have left the parental home thereare fewer transfers; support tends to be restricted to children who have special needs (such as for the formation of their own family), and depends more on their parents’ resources. In the Nordic countries, in contrast, transfers are less driven by children’s needs and parentalresources.

Stress, coping and personal strengths and difficulties in internationally adopted children in spain

This study analyses the types of coping strategies used by internationally adopted children, and explores the relation between these strategies and personal strengths and difficulties. The Kidcope checklist (Spirito, Stark, & Williams, 1998) and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ; Goodman, 1997) were administered to a sample of 35 Spanish adoptees (25.7% boys and 74.3% girls, aged 8-12 years) and their parents. Self-reported problems were categorised and their relation with coping strategies and psychological adjustment was explored. Results indicated that adopted children report problems of interpersonal nature. The content of the problems mainly refers to relationships and health, illness, or accidents. Parents reported that children were generally well-adjusted and they had no problems outside the normal range. International adoptees used mainly control-oriented coping strategies. Escape-oriented coping was linked to parents' ratings of total difficulties, with self-criticism accounting for the highest percentage of the variance.