¿Es relevante la culpabilidad en la Ley de Responsabilidad Penal del Menor?

Aquest treball representa la culminació d’una de les etapes més importants en la vida d’una persona, la formació universitària. Quatre anys de formació y creixement tant personal com professional finalitzen amb l’elaboració d’aquest treball y, es degut a això, la importància d’aquest. En aquest treball d’investigació tractarem la rellevància de la culpabilitat en la Llei de Responsabilitat Penal del Menor. En l’estudi d’aquesta qüestió desenvoluparem els punts fonamentals per tractar de dilucidar si es necessari o no una reforma de la Llei de Responsabilitat Penal del Menor que suposi un enduriment de les mesures que es recullen en aquesta. Per a això, partirem del conceptes més bàsics per poder entendre la qüestió a tractar, passarem pels principis fonamentals de la Llei Penal del Menor, per les reformes de les que ha estat objecte la mateixa y finalitzarem amb un estudi de casos reals.

L'evolució iconogràfica del mite de Dànae : De Gossaert a Subirachs

El fascinant mite de Dànae ha inspirat artistes de múltiples disciplines; poetes, escriptors, escultors, gravadors i pintors han quedat subjugats per aquesta història i per la seva ductilitat. En aquest document concentrarem la nostra anàlisi en l'estudi d'un conjunt representatiu i divers de pintures sobre l'escena de la pluja d'or del mite de Dànae.

The underestimation of compliance to direct help requests explained by adaptive sampling

Helping behavior is any intentional behavior that benefits another living being or group (Hogg & Vaughan, 2010). People tend to underestimate the probability that others will comply with their direct requests for help (Flynn & Lake, 2008). This implies that when they need help, they will assess the probability of getting it (De Paulo, 1982, cited in Flynn & Lake, 2008) and then they will tend to estimate one that is actually lower than the real chance, so they may not even consider worth asking for it. Existing explanations for this phenomenon attribute it to a mistaken cost computation by the help seeker, who will emphasize the instrumental cost of “saying yes”, ignoring that the potential helper also needs to take into account the social cost of saying “no”. And the truth is that, especially in face-to-face interactions, the discomfort caused by refusing to help can be very high. In short, help seekers tend to fail to realize that it might be more costly to refuse to comply with a help request rather than accepting. A similar effect has been observed when estimating trustworthiness of people. Fetchenhauer and Dunning (2010) showed that people also tend to underestimate it. This bias is reduced when, instead of asymmetric feedback (getting feedback only when deciding to trust the other person), symmetric feedback (always given) was provided. This cause could as well be applicable to help seeking as people only receive feedback when they actually make their request but not otherwise. Fazio, Shook, and Eiser (2004) studied something that could be reinforcing these outcomes: Learning asymmetries. By means of a computer game called BeanFest, they showed that people learn better about negatively valenced objects (beans in this case) than about positively valenced ones. This learning asymmetry esteemed from “information gain being contingent on approach behavior” (p. 293), which could be identified with what Fetchenhauer and Dunning mention as ‘asymmetric feedback’, and hence also with help requests. Fazio et al. also found a generalization asymmetry in favor of negative attitudes versus positive ones. They attributed it to a negativity bias that “weights resemblance to a known negative more heavily than resemblance to a positive” (p. 300). Applied to help seeking scenarios, this would mean that when facing an unknown situation, people would tend to generalize and infer that is more likely that they get a negative rather than a positive outcome from it, so, along with what it was said before, people will be more inclined to think that they will get a “no” when requesting help. Denrell and Le Mens (2011) present a different perspective when trying to explain judgment biases in general. They deviate from the classical inappropriate information processing (depicted among other by Fiske & Taylor, 2007, and Tversky & Kahneman, 1974) and explain this in terms of ‘adaptive sampling’. Adaptive sampling is a sampling mechanism in which the selection of sample items is conditioned by the values of the variable of interest previously observed (Thompson, 2011). Sampling adaptively allows individuals to safeguard themselves from experiences they went through once and turned out to lay negative outcomes. However, it also prevents them from giving a second chance to those experiences to get an updated outcome that could maybe turn into a positive one, a more positive one, or just one that regresses to the mean, whatever direction that implies. That, as Denrell and Le Mens (2011) explained, makes sense: If you go to a restaurant, and you did not like the food, you do not choose that restaurant again. This is what we think could be happening when asking for help: When we get a “no”, we stop asking. And here, we want to provide a complementary explanation for the underestimation of the probability that others comply with our direct help requests based on adaptive sampling. First, we will develop and explain a model that represents the theory. Later on, we will test it empirically by means of experiments, and will elaborate on the analysis of its results.

Inclusion and empowerment in public art and urban design

To involve citizens in developing the processes of city making is an objective that occupies part of the agenda of political parties in the context of the necessary renewal in representative democracy. This paper aims to provide some answers to the following questions: Is it possible to overcome the participatory processes based exclusively on the consultation? Is it possible to"train" residents to take an active role in decision-making? How can we manage, proactively, the relationship between public actors, technicians and politicians, in a participatory process? We analyse the process development for creating the Wall of Remembrance in the Barcelona neighbourhood of Baró de Viver, a work of public art, created and produced by its neighbours, in the context of a long participatory process focused on changing the image of the neighbourhood and the improvement of public space. This result and this process have been possible in a given context of cooperation among neighbours, local government and the research team (CR-Polis, Art, City, Society at the University of Barcelona). The development of a creative process of citizen participation between 2004 and 2011 made possible the direct management of decision making by the residents on the field of the design of public space in the neighbourhood. However, the material results of the process does not overshadow the great achievement of the project: the inclusion of a neighbourhood in taking informed decisions because of their empowerment in public space design and management of their remembrances.

El diseño del suelo y la imagen de la ciudad: la calçada portuguesa

Desde el s. XVIII todas las ciudades se plantean uno de los cambios fundamentales en la estructura de su paisaje. El aumento de población y de actividad económica conlleva la desaparición de las calles térreas y su sustitución por las calles que segregan la acera, convertida en la estructura de soporte de los servicios, de la calzada como espacio de circulación rodada. En Lisboa se extiende la pavimentación de la calzad a según el 'systema Portuguez' con piedras irregulares de basalto sobre arena y ya en 1834, se configura el 'Pelouro das Calçadas' responsable de experimentar, primero, el sistema 'macadam' (c. 1839) y, posterior y paulatinamente, de introducir el asfalto. º La acera, es tratada con losas de calcáreo que, sobre todo, a partir del último tercio de siglo serán substituidas por el 'empedrado ordinario á portuguesa' en piedra calcárea. Una derivación será el 'empedrado dito de mosaico'. Experimentado por Eusebio Pinheiro Furtado en el Castillo de São Jorge (1842), va a extenderse por la ciudad, especialmente, desde la pavimentación del 'Mar Largo' en el Rossio (1848). Así, con ocasión de la ampliación de las aceras del largo de Camões, Augusto César dos Santos, Inspector da Admistração das Calçadas expresa la política de substitución del enlosado por el empedrado 'O sistema a empregar no empedramento destos passeios, deverá ser mozaico, não só pela beleza que apresenta, como por ser uma especialidade nesta cidade, beleza que se pode levar ao efeito escolhendose um padrão simples que pela sua importância não exceda os 500‐600$ o metro superficial' (Cesar dos Santos 1869). Finalmente, en 1895 la Câmara Municipal decretará el uso del 'empedrado á portuguesa' en toda nueva pavimentación y reconstrucción de las aceras. Los sitios representativos de la ciudad se cualifican artísticamente con este modo de hacer tan característico e identitario, no en vano lo podríamos entender como una de las primeras producciones de arte público en el sentido contemporáneo del término. Este sistema de pavimentación se extiende por Portugal y se internacionaliza en España, cuando Júlio César Augusto Cordeiro patenta en Madrid (1895) el 'mosaico portugués' que cristalizará en las aceras laterales del Paseo de San Juan en Barcelona (1896) -antes de la Exposición de París de 1900, de la praça de São Sebastião de Manaus, de las avenidas Rio Branco y Atlántica de Río de Janeiro- llegando a convivir con las farolas modernitas que Pere Falqués diseñó para el 'Cincd'oros' barcelonés. La calçada á portuguesa forma parte de la identidad de Lisboa y afecta a la imagen de marca de la ciudad. Sin embargo, a pesar de su valor identitario y artístico, la calçada está en peligro de muerte. El pavimento -forma entre ellos la 'calçada-forma' está en la base de algunas de las operaciones emblemáticas de construcción de la imagen de la ciudad (La Habana, 1928; Alicante, 1957; las Ramblas de Barcelona, 1969; la reforma de la Avenida Atlántica de Río por Burle Marx, 1970). Sin embargo, estas mismas operaciones demuestran que la 'forma-calçada' no responde a muchos de los requisitos de economía, seguridad o accesibilidad universal que exige la ciudad contemporánea. En el artículo planteamos analizar los motivos y razones que planean sobre la muerte anunciada de la calçada á portuguesa.