123 resultados para socio-political
Resumo:
Indudablemente, no podemos desligar el tema del alumnado con altas capacidades intelectuales del constructo “inteligencia”, ya que en el fondo las sucesivas definiciones de inteligencia o de conducta inteligente marcan qué vamos a evaluar como “capacidad intelectual superior”.El siglo XX, ha sido rico en definiciones e instrumentos de medida, especialmente desde el ámbito de la Psicología, aunque no debemos dejar de lado los aportes de otras ciencias como la biología, la cibernética, la antropología o la neurología por citar algunas. Muchos autores han intentado rastrear el concepto de inteligencia y su evolución en estos últimos 100 años...
Resumo:
We study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build aframework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectlyobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies withfuture returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, undersome conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewardscan be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limitto governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised factsand with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better fiscal discipline in a panel of 20 OECDcountries.
Resumo:
This handbook describes the peer review methodology that was applied at the GODIAC project fi eld studies1. The peer review evaluation method as initiated by Otto Adang in the Netherlands and further developed in a European football context (Adang & Brown, 2008) involves experienced police offi cers cooperating with researchers to perform observational fi eld studies to identify good practices and learning points for public order management. The handbook builds on the GODIAC seminars and workshops, for the fi eld study members, which took place in September 2010, January 2012 and January 2013. The handbook has been discussed in the project group and in the steering committee. It is primarily written for the GODIAC fi eld study members as background material for understanding the fi eld study process and for clarifying the different responsibilities that enable active participation in the fi eld study. The handbook has been developed during the project period and incorporates learning points and developments of the peer review method. The handbook aims at promoting the use of fi eld studies for evaluation of policing major events.
Resumo:
The volume is divided into two parts; the fi rst deals with issues related to the police, and the second addresses issues related to demonstrators and protesters. We hope that this volume will provide further insight into issues associated with policing at major events and shed light on the complexity of the organisations, motives, and strategies in play whenever protester groups are involved.
Resumo:
This report summarises the fi eld study results of the project ’Good practice for dialogue and communication as strategic principles for policing political manifestations in Europe’ (GODIAC).1 The overall idea was to integrate operative police work, research and training within the fi eld and to build international and institutional networks, ensuring and recognising the responsibilities of the organisers. The purpose of the GODIAC project was to contribute to the development of a European approach to policing political manifestations.
Resumo:
Intermediate phenomena of reality present particular characteristics of systemic self-organization, multilevel interrelations, recursivity, emergence of new «objects» with properties different from those of the elements that form them, and evolutionary dynamics, that probably need the formulation of new theoretical concepts and different paradigm principles. The sciences or perspectives of complexity, or the «complex» thinking, try to respond adequately to this complexity of reality. This approach adopts a multidimensional, integrated and dynamic view of reality: the world is made up of overlapping levels of different elements which produce new properties or new organizations at higher levels. If we conceive what we call languages as simple and decontextualized objects, we can understand some of the more mechanical aspects but we will ignore their conditions of existence, functionality, maintenance, variation, change and extinction.
Resumo:
The chapter presents up-to-date estimates of Italy’s regional GDP, with the present borders, in ten-year benchmarks from 1871 to 2001, and proposes a new interpretative hypothesis based on long-lasting socio-institutional differences. The inverted U-shape of income inequality is confirmed: rising divergence until the midtwentieth century, then convergence. However, the latter was limited to the centrenorth: Italy was divided into three parts by the time regional inequality peaked, in 1951, and appears to have been split into two halves by 2001. As a consequence of the falling back of the south, from 1871 to 2001 we record σ-divergence across Italy’s regions, i.e. an increase in dispersion, and sluggish β-convergence. Geographical factors and the market size played a minor role: against them are both the evidence that most of the differences in GDP are due to employment rather than to productivity and the observed GDP patterns of many regions. The gradual converging of regional GDPs towards two equilibria instead follows social and institutional differences − in the political and economic institutions and in the levels of human and social capital – which originated in pre-unification states and did not die (but in part even increased) in postunification Italy.
Resumo:
Why do public-sector workers receive so much of their compensation in the formof pensions and other benefits? This paper presents a political economy model inwhich politicians compete for taxpayers' and government employees' votes by promising compensation packages, but some voters cannot evaluate every aspect of promisedcompensation. If pension packages are "shrouded", so that public-sector workers better understand their value than ordinary taxpayers, then compensation will be highlyback-loaded. In equilibrium, the welfare of public-sector workers could be improved,holding total public-sector costs constant, if they received higher wages and lowerpensions. Centralizing pension determination has two offsetting effects on generosity:more state-level media attention helps taxpayers better understand pension costs, andthat reduces pension generosity; but a larger share of public-sector workers will votewithin the jurisdiction, which increases pension generosity. A short discussion of pensions in two decentralized states (California and Pennsylvania) and two centralizedstates (Massachusetts and Ohio) suggests that centralization appears to have modestlyreduced pensions, but, as the model suggests, this is unlikely to be universal.
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El diagnóstico en orientación socio-laboral tiene la finalidad deanalizar y delimitar aquellas áreas y variables de las personas que estánvinculadas con posibilidades de acceso a un puesto de trabajo, para deesta manera poder orientarlas y acompañarlas en sus procesos depromoción, ajuste u optimización de sus situaciones laborales. Ejerceresta función necesita de una mirada altamente amplia y global delindividuo que contribuya a que, a su vez, éste tenga una mayor concienciade su realidad y puede hacer frente a los retos que plantea la sociedad dela información.
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This paper studies fiscal federalism when regions differ in voters' ability to monitor publicofficials. We develop a model of political agency in which rent-seeking politicians providepublic goods to win support from heterogeneously informed voters. In equilibrium, voterinformation increases government accountability but displays decreasing returns. Therefore,political centralization reduces aggregate rent extraction when voter information varies acrossregions. It increases welfare as long as the central government is required to provide publicgoods uniformly across regions. The need for uniformity implies an endogenous trade off between reducing rents through centralization and matching idiosyncratic preferences throughdecentralization. We find that a federal structure with overlapping levels of government canbe optimal only if regional differences in accountability are sufficiently large. The modelpredicts that less informed regions should reap greater benefits when the central governmentsets a uniform policy. Consistent with our theory, we present empirical evidence that lessinformed states enjoyed faster declines in pollution after the 1970 Clean Air Act centralizedenvironmental policy at the federal level.
Resumo:
Este trabajo se diseñó para evaluar la relación entre variantes de personalidad, actitudes sociales y actitudes hacia el sexo, con las tendencias de voto hacia los partidos políticos vascos y catalanes. Se partía de los hallazgos de Eysenck en que los extravertidos informaban de más interés por el hedonismo sexual y de mantener actitudes sexuales más duras que los introvertidos. Los resultados de este trabajo se presentan por sexos y conjuntamente, ya que existen diferencias importantes tanto en la personalidad como en las actitudes sociales y políticas de los varones y las hembras estudiadas. Los hombres son más favorables al sexo oral e impersonal, son menos conservadores, son más desinhibidos y más buscadores de sensaciones que las mujeres y tienen más curiosidad morbosa por las películas pornográficas y violentas que aquellas. Los comunistas, nacionalistas vascos y catalanes son más buscadores de sensaciones y tienen actitudes sexuales más liberales. Se comentan las interrelaciones entre las variables, así como las diferentes soluciones factoriales obtenidas a partir de las medidas psicométricas empleadas.
Resumo:
El trabajo que se presenta en este artículo se sitúa en el contexto bilingüe de la provincia de Lleida en la que coexisten dos lenguas en contacto, el catalán y el castellano, si bien existe un predominio de uso familiar y escolar de la primera de ellas. En este contexto, nuestro estudio analiza cómo influyen en el rendimiento en matemáticas las variables del contexto educativo de condición lingüística familiar y situación socio-profesional de la familia, así como las variables individuales de conciente intelectual y autoconcepto matemático. Los resultados globales muestran, en primer lugar, la importancia del lenguaje como instrumento mediador de la enseñanza-aprendizaje de contenidos matemáticos, ya que el rendimiento de los alumnos en esta área curricular está en función del dominio y el uso de la lengua vehicular de la enseñanza —el catalán—. En segundo lugar, se constata una correlación significativa entre el rendimiento matemático y las variables individuales de cociente intelectual y el autoconcepto sobre el propio rendimiento matemático.
Resumo:
¿Cómo y respondiendo a qué intereses fue ejercido el poder municipal por las élites locales catalanas en el periodo de la formación del Estado moderno hispánico? tales son las cuestiones fundamentales que se intentan responder acudiendo al ejemplo concreto de la ciudad de Lleida, población altamente representativa del entorno urbano catalán dominante en los siglos XVI y XVII. Una breve introducción al marco urbano o institucional catalán abre paso al núcleo del estudio centrado en la caracterización social de la élite gobernante. La evolución del grupo social que dirigía la ciudad, sus características socio-económicas, la movilidad de sus integrantes o sus comportamientos familiares, conforman un retrato que culmina con el análisis de sus actitudes en el gobierno municipal y su actuación política en los siglos de los Austrias.