131 resultados para political interest
Resumo:
En internet encontramos gran cantidad de información científico-técnica cuya validez no suele estar controlada por comités correctores. Para aprovechar estos recursos es necesario filtrar y facilitar el acceso del usuario a la información. En este artículo se expone la experiencia práctica en el desarrollo de una página WEB centrada en las actividades del grupo de investigación «Calidad Nutricional y Tecnología de los Lípidos». Los objetivos de esta página WEB fueron los siguientes: difusión de las actividades del grupo de investigación, aprovechar los recursos que ofrece internet y fomentar y facilitar su uso. Esta experiencia permitió presentar una metodología de trabajo eficaz para conseguir estos objetivos. Finalmente, se presentan un gran número de direcciones WEB agrupadas por apartados en el ámbito de los lípidos. Estas direcciones han sido rigurosamente seleccionadas, entre un gran número de referencias consultadas, siguiendo una serie de criterios que se discuten en este trabajo, para ofrecer aquellas que presentan un mayor interés práctico.
Resumo:
[cat] L'educació dels immigrants és un tema prioritari a les agendes polítiques de molts països de la OCDE. En molts casos, els governs s'han preocupat especialment de la seva integració al món del treball però creix l'interès en els seus resultats al sistema educatiu i en la revisió de les polítiques adreçades a respondre a les seves necessitats educatives i formatives. La majoria d'aquests estudis es situen a l'esfera de l'educació infantil, primària, secundaria i formació professional, per això resulta pràcticament impossible trobar informes que analitzin el baix percentatge d'accés d'estudiants immigrants extracomunitaris a la universitat (al voltant de 3,3% en el cas de Catalunya); que contribueixin a entendre els factors que configuren les trajectòries d'èxit escolar i d'integració laboral dels estudiants immigrants que accedeixen i completen els estudis universitaris; que puguin donar pautes per desenvolupar polítiques educatives que millorin els resultats d'aprenentatge dels estudiants immigrants; i que puguin servir com a mirall i incentiu per a altres persones immigrants i, perquè no, també del país. Aquest projecte ha estudiat el conjunt d'elements que condicionen l'accés dels joves immigrants als estudis universitaris, i a l'estatus laboral que els hi hauria de possibilitar la seva formació universitària.L'estudi ha consistit en una metaanàlisi dels documents existents sobre el tema i en la realització de 8 narratives biogràfiques; quatre de persones cursant diferents estudis a les universitats catalanes i quatre que ja s'han incorporat al món del professional. Aquestes narratives venen acompanyades de 8 vídeos que exploren noves maneres de visibilització d'aquesta població i es transformen en una pràctica d'autoria. Aquest material visual pot servir com a recurs educatiu, en la mida que pugui ser un mirall i un incentiu per a altres persones immigrants i del país.Finalment, presenta un seguit de recomanacions per als responsables de les polítiques i dels centres educatius.
Resumo:
In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.
Resumo:
In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.
Resumo:
We study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build aframework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectlyobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies withfuture returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, undersome conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewardscan be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limitto governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised factsand with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better fiscal discipline in a panel of 20 OECDcountries.
Resumo:
This handbook describes the peer review methodology that was applied at the GODIAC project fi eld studies1. The peer review evaluation method as initiated by Otto Adang in the Netherlands and further developed in a European football context (Adang & Brown, 2008) involves experienced police offi cers cooperating with researchers to perform observational fi eld studies to identify good practices and learning points for public order management. The handbook builds on the GODIAC seminars and workshops, for the fi eld study members, which took place in September 2010, January 2012 and January 2013. The handbook has been discussed in the project group and in the steering committee. It is primarily written for the GODIAC fi eld study members as background material for understanding the fi eld study process and for clarifying the different responsibilities that enable active participation in the fi eld study. The handbook has been developed during the project period and incorporates learning points and developments of the peer review method. The handbook aims at promoting the use of fi eld studies for evaluation of policing major events.
Resumo:
The volume is divided into two parts; the fi rst deals with issues related to the police, and the second addresses issues related to demonstrators and protesters. We hope that this volume will provide further insight into issues associated with policing at major events and shed light on the complexity of the organisations, motives, and strategies in play whenever protester groups are involved.
Resumo:
This report summarises the fi eld study results of the project ’Good practice for dialogue and communication as strategic principles for policing political manifestations in Europe’ (GODIAC).1 The overall idea was to integrate operative police work, research and training within the fi eld and to build international and institutional networks, ensuring and recognising the responsibilities of the organisers. The purpose of the GODIAC project was to contribute to the development of a European approach to policing political manifestations.
Resumo:
Resumen: Walter Gropius desarrolla entre los años 1920 y 1922 un proyecto de monumento conocido como: Märzgefallenen-Denkmal (Monumento a los caídos de marzo). Se trata de un memorial dedicado a nueve obreros asesinados en Weimar, durante una manifestación en contra del Kapp Putsch (golpe de estado dirigido por Wolfgang Kapp). En el siguiente artículo se analiza la evolución del proyecto y de su implantación a través del análisis de la documentación gráfica de la obra. Observando muy especialmente las adaptaciones que transforman su diseño, condicionado por circunstancias externas. Nos hallamos ante un monumento de un gran valor histórico, político y social; capaz de una gran flexibilidad en la fase proyectual, y en cierto modo vestigio superviviente de todo un siglo. Abstract: Walter Gropius develops between the years 1920 and 1922 a monument known as: Märzgefallenen-Denkmal (Monument to the fallen of March). It is a memorial dedicated to nine workers killed in Weimar, during a demonstration against the Kapp Putsch (coup d'etat led by Wolfgang Kapp). The following article analyzes the evolution of the project and its implementation through analysis of the graphic documentation of the work. Noting especially the changes that transform the design, influenced by external circumstances. This is a monument of great historical, political and social interest; a work of art capable of great flexibility in its design stage, and the surviving vestige of a century. Palabras clave castellano: Monumento, política, destrucción, nazis Palabras clave inglés: Monument, politics, destruction, nazis
Resumo:
Why do public-sector workers receive so much of their compensation in the formof pensions and other benefits? This paper presents a political economy model inwhich politicians compete for taxpayers' and government employees' votes by promising compensation packages, but some voters cannot evaluate every aspect of promisedcompensation. If pension packages are "shrouded", so that public-sector workers better understand their value than ordinary taxpayers, then compensation will be highlyback-loaded. In equilibrium, the welfare of public-sector workers could be improved,holding total public-sector costs constant, if they received higher wages and lowerpensions. Centralizing pension determination has two offsetting effects on generosity:more state-level media attention helps taxpayers better understand pension costs, andthat reduces pension generosity; but a larger share of public-sector workers will votewithin the jurisdiction, which increases pension generosity. A short discussion of pensions in two decentralized states (California and Pennsylvania) and two centralizedstates (Massachusetts and Ohio) suggests that centralization appears to have modestlyreduced pensions, but, as the model suggests, this is unlikely to be universal.
Resumo:
In the last 15 years, a new psychological construct has emerged in the field of psychology: Emotional Intelligence. Some models of Emotional Intelligence bear ressemblence with aspects of one of the core constructs of Adlerian Psychology: Social Interest. The authors investigated, if both constructs are also empirically related and which is their capacity to predict psychiatric symptoms and antisocial behavior. Results indicate that Social Interest and Emotional Intelligence are empirically different constructs; Social Interest was negatively correlated to aspects of antisocial attitudes (but not to antisocial behavior). Social Interest also failed to predict symptoms of psychological distress. Emotional Intelligence, in change, was a better predictor for mental problems than Social Interest. The results are discussed in view of the validity of Social Interest measurement.
Resumo:
This paper studies fiscal federalism when regions differ in voters' ability to monitor publicofficials. We develop a model of political agency in which rent-seeking politicians providepublic goods to win support from heterogeneously informed voters. In equilibrium, voterinformation increases government accountability but displays decreasing returns. Therefore,political centralization reduces aggregate rent extraction when voter information varies acrossregions. It increases welfare as long as the central government is required to provide publicgoods uniformly across regions. The need for uniformity implies an endogenous trade off between reducing rents through centralization and matching idiosyncratic preferences throughdecentralization. We find that a federal structure with overlapping levels of government canbe optimal only if regional differences in accountability are sufficiently large. The modelpredicts that less informed regions should reap greater benefits when the central governmentsets a uniform policy. Consistent with our theory, we present empirical evidence that lessinformed states enjoyed faster declines in pollution after the 1970 Clean Air Act centralizedenvironmental policy at the federal level.
Resumo:
Arran del Concordat del 1851 els bisbats espanyols s’organitzen territorialment en arxiprestats. El mapa català d’arxiprestats presenta una complexa evolució històrica. Actualment s’observa una clara tendència envers la reducció del seu nombre (92). L’organització territorial arxiprestal reflecteix l’estructura del territori, la xarxa urbana i la percepció social de la realitat comarcal. Per això, la divisió eclesiàstica és un interessant element de comparació amb l’organització política i administrativa. El mapa de 7 vegueries (noves províncies) amb què treballa el Govern de la Generalitat de Catalunya té una estreta relació amb la divisió tradicional en bisbats. Igualment, totes les noves comarques previstes per la Generalitat tenen una clara correspondència amb algun arxiprestat. Inversament, la designació de Sant Feliu de Llobregat com a seu d’un nou bisbat (2004) no hauria estat possible si aquesta població no hagués estat designada com a cap de partit judicial el 1834.
Resumo:
This dissertation argues that the Government of the People’s Republic of China, when it made the decision to import a quota of Hollywood films in 1994 to revive the failing domestic film industry, had different possible criteria in mind. This project has studied four of them: first, importing films that gave a negative image of the United States; second, importing films that featured Chinese talent or themes; third, importing films that were box office hits in the United States; and fourth, importing films with a strong technological innovation ingredient. In order to find out the most important criteria for the Chinese Government, this dissertation offers a dataset that analyzes a population of 262 Hollywood films released in the PRC between 1994 and 2010. For each unit, a method has been developed to compile data that will determine whether the film reflects any of the four criteria, and findings in the form of yearly percentages have been drawn. Results show that, out of the four studied criteria, the two predominant reasons for China to import films were technological innovation and box office hits. This tells us that, at this point, the Chinese Government shows more interest in obtaining big revenues and learning from technically innovative American films than in delivering underlying political messages. This dissertation contributes to the existing literature by analyzing the content of all the films imported by China between 1994 and 2010, while integrating in the analysis variables based on the existing knowledge.