114 resultados para Democracy


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This paper presents a first analysis on local electronic participatory experiences in Catalonia. The analysis is based on a database constructed and collected by the authors. The paper carries out an explanatory analysis of local initiatives in eparticipationand off line participation taking into account political variables (usually not considered in this kind of analysis) but also classical socio-economic variables that characterise municipalities. Hence, we add a quantitative analysis to the numerous case studies on local e-participation experiences. We have chosen Catalonia because is one of the European regions with more initiatives and one that has enjoyed considerable local governmental support to citizen participation initiatives since the 80s. The paper offers a characterisation of these experiences and a first explanatory analysis, considering: i) the institutional context in which these experiences are embedded, ii) the characteristics of the citizen participation processes and mechanisms on-line, and iii) a set of explanatory variables composed by the population size, thepolitical adscription of the mayor, the electoral abstention rate, age, income and level ofeducation in the municipality. The model that we present is explanatory for the municipalities with more than 20,000 inhabitants but it is not for the fewer than 20,000inhabitants. Actually, the number of participatory activities developed by these last municipalities is very low. Among all the variables, population size becomes the mostinfluential variable. Political variables such as political party of the mayor and the localabstention rate have a certain influence but that have to be controlled by population size.

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This paper investigates the evolution of income inequality in Spain during its transition to democracy, suggesting a method for the correction of under-reporting of earnings and profits in the Household Budget Surveys’ data. The contribution is twofold: the methodological proposal, based on income expenditure discrepancy and scaling-up to National Accounts, improves on previous work, and can be convenient for similar historical sources in other countries. Secondly, its application results in an alternative history of the distribution of income in this case, changing the levels and also the observed trend. Previous literature asserted a substantial equalization, related to the democratization process, while after the adjustment inequality in disposable income is shown to have been quite persistent.

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This article first performs a review of the account that has had early childhood education, and the training of early childhood education teachers in particular, in diferent Spanish education laws since the arrival of democracy; and second instead describes a realistic training model has proven effective to promote professional skills of teachers in early childhood education

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The referendum is a poorly used mechanism for direct participation in the Spanish system, at both state and regional level. The discussion on the feasibility of this system at regional level has been examined by the Constitutional Court. Influenced by the reluctance with which constituents viewed the mechanisms of direct democracy, they still have a reductive view of the referendum. The State therefore reserves the right to exercise very intensive controls on the provision and authorization of referendums and on the specific exercise of each referendum

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[spa] El estudio afronta la regulación de los derechos de participación en los Estatutos de Autonomía de nueva generación. La novedad que representan estas normas respecto a sus predecesoras es la incorporación de una carta de derechos que vinculan de forma más explícita y detallada a los poderes públicos autonómicos. Los estatuyentes han interiorizado el creciente auge del fenómeno participativo regulando, junto a los tradicionales derechos de participación política, nuevos instrumentos y técnicas participativas, que se enmarcan en el concepto de democracia participativa. Significativa es, en este sentido, la voluntad política plasmada en la competencia que asumen algunos de ellos (Cataluña, Andalucía y Aragón)para la regulación de las consultas populares en cualquiera de sus modalidades ("encuestas, audiencias públicas, foros de participación") distintas el referéndum.

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L'art. 23 de la CE consagra el dret fonamental dels ciutadans a participar en els assumptes públics, preveient-ne dues grans modalitats, la participació directa i la representativa. La doctrina jurisprudencial elaborada pel Tribunal Constitucional durant quasi trenta anys ha atorgat a aquest dret una configuració especial: el seu abast es veu reduït a l'estricta participació política (aspecte que tindrà conseqüències en el vessant de la participació directa reduïda a la iniciativa legislativa popular i el referèndum, deixant fora del seu abast altres possibles institucions participatives); però, per altra banda, amplia el nucli de protecció del dret, garantint no només l'accés dels ciutadans als càrrecs públics (un ius ad officium) en condicions d'igualtat; sinó també el dret dels representants a romandre en el seu càrrec lliures de qualsevol pertorbació i el tercer contingut, el dret dels representants a exercir les facultats inherents a la funció que desenvolupen tot atorgant-los un status constitucionalment garantit. Aquesta construcció jurisprudencial del dret esdevé així la garantia jurídica de la democràcia. Certament, aquest enteniment del dret fonamental de participació té conseqüències prou rellevants en l'àmbit dels partits polítics com a instruments fonamentals per a la participació política. L'abundància de resolucions per part del Tribunal Constitucional, majoritàriament a través de recursos d'empara, ha fet possible l'entrada del dret de participació en dos àmbits singularment rellevants del procés polític, com són el sistema electoral i el dret parlamentari, i ha permès al Tribunal construir tota una teoria de la representació política en seu de drets fonamentals.

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En nom de la exportació dels valors democràtics s’ha pretès justificar la introducció dels principis del neoliberalisme a escala mundial. L’imaginari democràtic ha estat utilitzat com a disfressa elegant per a intentar tapar la progressiva debilitat generada en el cos social pels processos de globalització de l’economia. Però malgrat de l’inicial triomfalisme del “pensament únic”, paral•lelament s’ha anat generant tota una xarxa internacional de resistència que sembla tenir cada cop més un gran poder de mobilització

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Culture has several meanings: civilization, creation, knowledge, life… We analyze how each one suffers the so-called crisis of culture. Civilization lives the crisis as «liquidity», according to Bauman’s diagnosis, with significant negative impact on education. The creation and enjoyment of cultural products, such as museums, suffer its crisis as fragility resulting from the civilization crisis, notably in the form of consumerist banality or pure entertainment. Culture as knowledge and as life is analyzed under the joint notion «humanistic culture». This, which in turn is creation, knowledge and life has its specific corruption in the elitist knowledge, merely theoretical. The hallmark of genuine humanism contains an essential component, the dimension of ethical and political commitment. The crisis in the humanistic studies, noted by Nussbaum, threats the values of humanistic culture; in particular is a political risk, because democracy is a system that needs to sustain and improve the values of humanistic culture. In the background, and beyond the differences between the cultural meanings, there is a unique cultural crisis, a crisis of ethics and politics at a time

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In Dewey, philosophy and education are inseparable. It is often forgotten that Dewey’s conception of school and education has only been possible because he conceived thought in terms of lived experience, of constantly tested experience, of incessant research; in other words, of 'continuous search' of 'effective means of action'. In addition, according to Dewey, true education is an education in democracy, and that means investing in an education that deals with thought. The service to democratic progress is done precisely through an education in reasonability and taking into account the experience