103 resultados para political spectrum


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Cognitive radio networks (CRN) sense spectrum occupancy and manage themselves to operate in unused bands without disturbing licensed users. The detection capability of a radio system can be enhanced if the sensing process is performed jointly by a group of nodes so that the effects of wireless fading and shadowing can be minimized. However, taking a collaborative approach poses new security threats to the system as nodes can report false sensing data to force a wrong decision. Providing security to the sensing process is also complex, as it usually involves introducing limitations to the CRN applications. The most common limitation is the need for a static trusted node that is able to authenticate and merge the reports of all CRN nodes. This paper overcomes this limitation by presenting a protocol that is suitable for fully distributed scenarios, where there is no static trusted node.

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Spectrum scarcity demands thinking new ways tomanage the distribution of radio frequency bands so that its use is more effective. The emerging technology that can enable this paradigm shift is the cognitive radio. Different models fororganizing and managing cognitive radios have emerged, all with specific strategic purposes. In this article we review the allocation spectrum patterns of cognitive radio networks andanalyse which are the common basis of each model.We expose the vulnerabilities and open challenges that still threaten the adoptionand exploitation of cognitive radios for open civil networks.

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This paper studies fiscal federalism when regions differ in voters' ability to monitor publicofficials. We develop a model of political agency in which rent-seeking politicians providepublic goods to win support from heterogeneously informed voters. In equilibrium, voterinformation increases government accountability but displays decreasing returns. Therefore,political centralization reduces aggregate rent extraction when voter information varies acrossregions. It increases welfare as long as the central government is required to provide publicgoods uniformly across regions. The need for uniformity implies an endogenous trade off between reducing rents through centralization and matching idiosyncratic preferences throughdecentralization. We find that a federal structure with overlapping levels of government canbe optimal only if regional differences in accountability are sufficiently large. The modelpredicts that less informed regions should reap greater benefits when the central governmentsets a uniform policy. Consistent with our theory, we present empirical evidence that lessinformed states enjoyed faster declines in pollution after the 1970 Clean Air Act centralizedenvironmental policy at the federal level.

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The concept of conditional stability constant is extended to the competitive binding of small molecules to heterogeneous surfaces or macromolecules via the introduction of the conditional affinity spectrum (CAS). The CAS describes the distribution of effective binding energies experienced by one complexing agent at a fixed concentration of the rest. We show that, when the multicomponent system can be described in terms of an underlying affinity spectrum [integral equation (IE) approach], the system can always be characterized by means of a CAS. The thermodynamic properties of the CAS and its dependence on the concentration of the rest of components are discussed. In the context of metal/proton competition, analytical expressions for the mean (conditional average affinity) and the variance (conditional heterogeneity) of the CAS as functions of pH are reported and their physical interpretation discussed. Furthermore, we show that the dependence of the CAS variance on pH allows for the analytical determination of the correlation coefficient between the binding energies of the metal and the proton. Nonideal competitive adsorption isotherm and Frumkin isotherms are used to illustrate the results of this work. Finally, the possibility of using CAS when the IE approach does not apply (for instance, when multidentate binding is present) is explored. © 2006 American Institute of Physics.

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The microquasar 1E 1740.7-2942 is a source located in the direction of the Galactic Center. It has been detected at X-rays, soft gamma-rays, and in the radio band, showing an extended radio component in the form of a double-sided jet. Although no optical counterpart has been found so far for 1E 1740.7-2942, its X-ray activity strongly points to a galactic nature. Aims.We aim to improve our understanding of the hard X-ray and gamma-ray production in the system, exploring whether the jet can emit significantly at high energies under the light of the present knowledge. Methods.We have modeled the source emission, from radio to gamma-rays, with a cold-matter dominated jet model. INTEGRAL data combined with radio and RXTE data, as well as EGRET and HESS upper-limits, are used to compare the computed and the observed spectra. Results.From our modeling, we find out that jet emission cannot explain the high fluxes observed at hard X-rays without violating at the same time the constraints from the radio data, favoring the corona origin of the hard X-rays. Also, 1E 1740.7-2942 might be detected by GLAST or AGILE at GeV energies, and by HESS and HESS-II beyond 100 GeV, with the spectral shape likely affected by photon-photon absorption in the disk and corona photon fields.

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Objective: The aim of the current study was to investigate the long-term cognitive effects of electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) in a sample of adolescent patients in whom schizophrenia spectrum disorders were diagnosed. Methods: The sample was composed of nine adolescent subjects in whom schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder was diagnosed according to DSM-IV-TR criteria on whom ECT was conducted (ECT group) and nine adolescent subjects matched by age, socioeconomic status, and diagnostic and Positive and Negative Syndrome Scale (PANSS) total score at baseline on whom ECT was not conducted (NECT group). Clinical and neuropsychological assessments were carried out at baseline before ECT treatment and at 2-year follow-up. Results: Significant differences were found between groups in the number of unsuccessful medication trials. No statistically significant differences were found between the ECT group and theNECT group in either severity as assessed by the PANSS, or in any cognitive variables at baseline.At follow-up, both groups showed significant improvement in clinical variables (subscales of positive, general, and total scores of PANSS and Clinical Global Impressions-Improvement). In the cognitive assessment at follow-up, significant improvement was found in both groups in the semantic category of verbal fluency task and digits forward. However, no significant differences were found between groups in any clinical or cognitive variable at follow-up. Repeated measures analysis found no significant interaction of time · group in any clinical or neuropsychological measures. Conclusions: The current study showed no significant differences in change over time in clinical or neuropsychological variables between the ECT group and the NECT group at 2-year follow-up. Thus, ECT did not show any negative influence on long-term neuropsychological variables in our sample.

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Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.

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For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.

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Discussions about the culture-economy articulation have occurred largely within theconfines of economic geography. In addition, much attention has been diverted intocaricaturized discussions over the demise of political economy or the invalidity ofculturalist arguments. Moving the argument from the inquiry on the ¿nature¿ of theeconomy itself to the transformation of the role of culture and economy inunderstanding the production of the urban form from an urban political economy (UPE)this paper focuses on how the challenges posed by the cultural turn have enabled urbanpolitical economy to participate constructively in interdisciplinary efforts to reorientpolitical economy in the direction of a critical cultural political economy.

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Antimicrobial peptides offer a new class of therapeutic agents to which bacteria may not be able todevelop genetic resistance, since their main activity is in the lipid component of the bacterial cell mem-brane. We have developed a series of synthetic cationic cyclic lipopeptides based on natural polymyxin,and in this work we explore the interaction of sp-85, an analog that contains a C12 fatty acid at theN-terminus and two residues of arginine. This analog has been selected from its broad spectrum antibac-terial activity in the micromolar range, and it has a disruptive action on the cytoplasmic membrane ofbacteria, as demonstrated by TEM. In order to obtain information on the interaction of this analog withmembrane lipids, we have obtained thermodynamic parameters from mixed monolayers prepared withPOPG and POPE/POPG (molar ratio 6:4), as models of Gram positive and Gram negative bacteria, respec-tively. LangmuirBlodgett films have been extracted on glass plates and observed by confocal microscopy,and images are consistent with a strong destabilizing effect on the membrane organization induced bysp-85. The effect of sp-85 on the membrane is confirmed with unilamelar lipid vesicles of the same com-position, where biophysical experiments based on fluorescence are indicative of membrane fusion andpermeabilization starting at very low concentrations of peptide and only if anionic lipids are present.Overall, results described here provide strong evidence that the mode of action of sp-85 is the alterationof the bacterial membrane permeability barrier.

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Several empirical studies have analyzed the factors that influence local privatization. Variables related to fiscal stress, cost reduction, political processes and ideological attitudes are the most common explanatory variables used in these studies. In this paper, we add to this literature by examining the influence of transaction costs and political factors on local governments’ choices through new variables. In addition to this, we consider the role of additional aspects, such as intermunicipal cooperation as a potential alternative to privatization in order to exploit scale economies or scope economies. We consider two relevant services: solid waste collection and water distribution. Results from our estimates show that privatization (that is, contracting out to a private firm) is less common for water distribution than for solid waste collection. Higher transaction costs in water distribution are consistent with this finding. Furthermore, we find that municipalities with a conservative ruling party privatize more often regardless of the ideological orientation of the constituency. This shows that those political interests able to influence local elections are more important in determining the form of delivery than is the basic ideological stance of the constituency. Finally, we find that intermunicipal cooperation is an alternative to local privatization.

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Cognitive radio networks sense spectrum occupancy and manage themselvesto operate in unused bands without disturbing licensed users. The detection capability of aradio system can be enhanced if the sensing process is performed jointly by a group of nodesso that the effects of wireless fading and shadowing can be minimized. However, taking acollaborative approach poses new security threats to the system as nodes can report falsesensing data to reach a wrong decision. This paper makes a review of secure cooperativespectrum sensing in cognitive radio networks. The main objective of these protocols is toprovide an accurate resolution about the availability of some spectrum channels, ensuring thecontribution from incapable users as well as malicious ones is discarded. Issues, advantagesand disadvantages of such protocols are investigated and summarized.