Handbook for the design of intercultural policies: summary of the original Spanish version

Local governments need minimum common criteria to manage the social dynamics of diversity. This Handbook defends the strategy of interculturality as a public political approach, based on a way to interpret interculturality as a positive resource, as a public cultural and a collective good. It is an approach that promotes the equitative interaction as a way to generate a cohesive common public space. This Handbook provides the reader with the conceptual and practical instruments to help (and inspire) those territories which would like to integrate interculturality as an urban project.It aims to serve as a ground for discussion to jointly work in local administrations and other government levels, fororganizations and institutions, as well as for cultural, political and citizens collectives. Results are presented asan action by the Red de Ciudades Interculturales (RECI), within the Intercultural Cities framework by the Councilof Europe, with the collaboration of Obra Social "La Caixa".

Political centralization and government accountability

This paper studies fiscal federalism when regions differ in voters' ability to monitor publicofficials. We develop a model of political agency in which rent-seeking politicians providepublic goods to win support from heterogeneously informed voters. In equilibrium, voterinformation increases government accountability but displays decreasing returns. Therefore,political centralization reduces aggregate rent extraction when voter information varies acrossregions. It increases welfare as long as the central government is required to provide publicgoods uniformly across regions. The need for uniformity implies an endogenous trade off between reducing rents through centralization and matching idiosyncratic preferences throughdecentralization. We find that a federal structure with overlapping levels of government canbe optimal only if regional differences in accountability are sufficiently large. The modelpredicts that less informed regions should reap greater benefits when the central governmentsets a uniform policy. Consistent with our theory, we present empirical evidence that lessinformed states enjoyed faster declines in pollution after the 1970 Clean Air Act centralizedenvironmental policy at the federal level.

Brief cognitive assessment instruments in schizophrenia and bipolar patients, and healthy control subjects: A comparison study between the Brief Cognitive Assessment Tool for Schizophrenia (B-CATS) and the Screen for Cognitive Impairment in Psychiatry (SCIP)

Cognitive impairment in schizophrenia and psychosis is ubiquitous and acknowledged as a core feature of clinical expression, pathophysiology, and prediction of functioning. However, assessment of cognitive functioning is excessively time-consuming in routine practice, and brief cognitive instruments specific to psychosis would be of value. Two screening tools have recently been created to address this issue, i.e., the Brief Cognitive Assessment Tool for Schizophrenia (B-CATS) and the Screen for Cognitive Impairment in Psychiatry (SCIP). The aim of this research was to examine the comparative validity of these two brief instruments in relation to a global cognitive score. 161 patients with psychosis (96 patients diagnosed with schizophrenia and 65 patients diagnosed with bipolar disorder) and 76 healthy control subjects were tested with both instruments to examine their concurrent validity relative to a more comprehensive neuropsychological assessment battery. Scores from the B-CATS and the SCIP were highly correlated in the three diagnostic groups, and both scales showed good to excellent concurrent validity relative to a Global Cognitive Composite Score (GCCS) derived from the more comprehensive examination. The SCIP-S showed better predictive value of global cognitive impairment than the B-CATS. Partial and semi-partial correlations showed slightly higher percentages of both shared and unique variance between the SCIP-S and the GCCS than between the B-CATS and the GCCS. Brief instruments for assessing cognition in schizophrenia and bipolar disorders, such as the SCIP-S and B-CATS, seem to be reliable and promising tools for use in routine clinical practice.

Les Droits de l’homme la démocratie et l’Etat de droit dans l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne. Transversalité et pluralité des instruments

Les droits de l’Homme, la Démocratie et l’Etat de droit sont des valeurs fondatrices de l’Union Européenne et constituent des objectifs fondamentaux de son action extérieure. Leur promotion et leur protection se révèlent nécessaires au regard des systèmes institutionnels et politiques profondément instables de certains Etats tiers et des nombreuses violations des Droits de l’Homme et des principes démocratiques à travers le monde que ce soit de la part d’Etat tiers ou d’autres entités ou personnes. Pour ce faire, l’Union dispose de différents moyens d’actions qu’elle exerce à travers des mesures incitatives et également restrictives.

An Explanatory Approach to the Political Uses of ICT Initiatives for Participation : Institutions, Context, and Characteristics of the Actors

Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.

Reconsidering the analysis of the uses of ICTs by political parties : an application to the Catalan case

For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.

From urban political economy to the cultural political economy : rethinking culture and economy in and beyond the urban

Discussions about the culture-economy articulation have occurred largely within theconfines of economic geography. In addition, much attention has been diverted intocaricaturized discussions over the demise of political economy or the invalidity ofculturalist arguments. Moving the argument from the inquiry on the ¿nature¿ of theeconomy itself to the transformation of the role of culture and economy inunderstanding the production of the urban form from an urban political economy (UPE)this paper focuses on how the challenges posed by the cultural turn have enabled urbanpolitical economy to participate constructively in interdisciplinary efforts to reorientpolitical economy in the direction of a critical cultural political economy.

Prices versus exams as strategic instruments for competing universities

In this paper we investigate the optimal choice of prices and/or exams by universities in the presence of credit constraints. We first compare the optimal behavior of a public, welfare maximizing, monopoly and a private, profit maximizing, monopoly. Then we model competition between a public and a private institution and investigate the new role of exams/prices in this environment. We find that, under certain circumstances, the public university may have an interest to raise tuition fees from minimum levels if it cares for global welfare. This will be the case provided that (i) the private institution has higher quality and uses only prices to select applicants, or (ii) the private institution has lower quality and uses also exams to select students. When this is the case, there are efficiency grounds for raising public prices

Estudi i disseny d'un sistema de modificació tímbrica en instruments determinats a través d'anàlisi, filtratge i síntesi de senyal d'àudio digital

Aquest treball final de carrera sorgeix doncs d'una idea molt ambiciosa: crear un sistema de processat de senyal digital que permetés, a temps real, convertir un timbre d'un instrument determinat a un altre, és a dir, a través d'un micròfon que capti el so d'un instrument, com ara el clarinet, analitzar i processar mitjançant programari d'ordinador aquest so d'entrada. Conseqüentment, convertir-lo per poder percebre'l a través dels altaveus com a so d'un altre instrument. D'aquesta manera, un músic amb habilitats per tocar el clarinet, mitjançant aquesta eina podria simular so de saxo, trompeta, etc., sense haver de recórrer a un sintetitzador ni a altres instruments MIDI.

Clasificación automática de textos y explotación BI

El presente proyecto tiene como objetivo desarrollar una tecnología que permita codificar grandes cantidades de texto de manera automática para posteriormente ser visualizada y analizada mediante una aplicación diseñada en Qlikview. El motor de la investigación e implementación de este proyecto se ha encontrado en la incipiente presencia de tecnologías informáticas en los procesos de codificación para ciencias políticas. De esta manera, el programa creado tiene como objetivo automatizar un proceso que se desarrolla comúnmente de manera manual y, por ende, las ventajas de introducir técnicas informáticas son notablemente valiosas. Estas automatizaciones permiten ahorrar tanto en tiempo de codificación, como en recursos económicos o humanos. Se ha elaborado una revisión teórica y metodológica que han servido como instrumentos de estudio y mejora, con el firme propósito de reducir al máximo el margen de error y ofrecer un instrumento de calidad con salida de mercado real. El método de clasificación utilizado ha sido Bayes, y se ha implementado utilizando Matlab. Los resultados de la clasificación han llegado a índices del 99.2%. En la visualización y análisis mediante Qlikview se pueden modificar los parámetros referentes a partido político, año, categoría o región, con lo que se permite analizar numerosos aspectos relacionados con la distribución de las palabras repartidas entre las diferentes categorías y en el tiempo.

La garantia jurídica de la democràcia com a dret fonamental. Una anàlisi de la jurisprudència del Tribunal Constitucional sobre la participació política

L'art. 23 de la CE consagra el dret fonamental dels ciutadans a participar en els assumptes públics, preveient-ne dues grans modalitats, la participació directa i la representativa. La doctrina jurisprudencial elaborada pel Tribunal Constitucional durant quasi trenta anys ha atorgat a aquest dret una configuració especial: el seu abast es veu reduït a l'estricta participació política (aspecte que tindrà conseqüències en el vessant de la participació directa reduïda a la iniciativa legislativa popular i el referèndum, deixant fora del seu abast altres possibles institucions participatives); però, per altra banda, amplia el nucli de protecció del dret, garantint no només l'accés dels ciutadans als càrrecs públics (un ius ad officium) en condicions d'igualtat; sinó també el dret dels representants a romandre en el seu càrrec lliures de qualsevol pertorbació i el tercer contingut, el dret dels representants a exercir les facultats inherents a la funció que desenvolupen tot atorgant-los un status constitucionalment garantit. Aquesta construcció jurisprudencial del dret esdevé així la garantia jurídica de la democràcia. Certament, aquest enteniment del dret fonamental de participació té conseqüències prou rellevants en l'àmbit dels partits polítics com a instruments fonamentals per a la participació política. L'abundància de resolucions per part del Tribunal Constitucional, majoritàriament a través de recursos d'empara, ha fet possible l'entrada del dret de participació en dos àmbits singularment rellevants del procés polític, com són el sistema electoral i el dret parlamentari, i ha permès al Tribunal construir tota una teoria de la representació política en seu de drets fonamentals.

Empowering local democracy in Catalonia: tools and policy domains to implement a top-down solution

This article is the result of an ongoing research into a variety of features of Spanish local government. It aims, in particular, at providing a profile of the tools implemented by local authorities to improve local democracy in Catalonia. The main hypothesis of the work is that, even though the Spanish local model is constrained by a shared and unique set of legal regulations, local institutions in Catalonia have developed their own model of local participation. And the range of instruments like these is still now increasing. More specifically, the scope of this research is twofold. On the one hand, different types of instruments for public deliberation in the Catalan local administration system are identified and presented, based on the place they take in the policy cycle. On the other hand, we focus on policy domains and the quality of the decision-making processes. Researching the stability of the participation tools or whether local democracy prefers more 'ad hoc' processes allows us to analyze the boundaries/limits of local democracy in Catalonia. The main idea underlying this paper is that, despite the existence of a single legal model regulating municipalities in Catalonia, local authorities tend to use their legally granted selfmanagement capacities to design their own instruments which end up presenting perceivable distinct features, stressing democracy in different policy domains, and in diverse policy cycles. Therefore, this paper is intended to identify such models and to provide factors (variables) so that an explanatory model can be built.

Regulatory framework of local citizen participation: Instruments of Direct and Participative Democracy in the Municipal Field

This article focuses on the analysis of the regulatory framework of citizen participation in the local government, which organises direct and participatory democracy at the local level, and identifies the laws and mechanisms through which the constitutional requirements for participation are accomplished. Mu nicipalities, the authority closest to citizens, are the best level of government since they directly involve civil society in the decision-making process experiencing the scope and appropriateness of the instruments by which it is channeled.

Local privatization, intermunicipal cooperation, transaction costs and political interests: Evidence from Spain

Several empirical studies have analyzed the factors that influence local privatization. Variables related to fiscal stress, cost reduction, political processes and ideological attitudes are the most common explanatory variables used in these studies. In this paper, we add to this literature by examining the influence of transaction costs and political factors on local governments’ choices through new variables. In addition to this, we consider the role of additional aspects, such as intermunicipal cooperation as a potential alternative to privatization in order to exploit scale economies or scope economies. We consider two relevant services: solid waste collection and water distribution. Results from our estimates show that privatization (that is, contracting out to a private firm) is less common for water distribution than for solid waste collection. Higher transaction costs in water distribution are consistent with this finding. Furthermore, we find that municipalities with a conservative ruling party privatize more often regardless of the ideological orientation of the constituency. This shows that those political interests able to influence local elections are more important in determining the form of delivery than is the basic ideological stance of the constituency. Finally, we find that intermunicipal cooperation is an alternative to local privatization.