136 resultados para Young, La Monte


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La principal fita dels ciclistes ha estat sempre l’entrenament per millorar les seves condicions i prestacions fisiològiques. Al llarg dels anys, el ciclisme com pràcticament tot l’esport s’ha anat modernitzant, no només tecnològicament. Això ha provocat l’aparició d’especialistes, corredors destinats a destacar, només en unes determinades condicions, per sobre els demés. Una d’aquestes condicions més restringides son les arribades massives, terreny dels anomenats esprinters, els quals brillen per sobre els demés degut a la seva potència, velocitat punta i arrancada. L’entrenament d’aquesta tipologia d’especialitat ha deixat entreveure varies ambigüitats i algunes problemàtiques de fonament teòric. L’esprint en el ciclisme es dona després d’un gran desgast de les reserves energètiques i de fatiga muscular. Per tant, entrenar-lo amb blocs de velocitat no té lògica. Tampoc es una opció viable el recurs que molts equips utilitzen: agafar corredors joves de la pista, i que la seva genètica (fibres ràpides) i les seves característiques de pistard1 facin la resta, perquè al pas dels anys perden aquesta exclusivitat. Aquest estudi es proposa buscar una manera de treballar i potenciar l’esprint del ciclista a partir de la força explosiva, garantint preservar les condicions aeròbiques per tal de que no perjudiqui per altra banda la seva resistència. Per tal d’aconseguir-ho, s’efectuaran uns tests. Un focalitzat en mesurar les prestacions en un esprint dels subjectes. L’altra es basarà en avaluar la força explosiva d’aquets, a partir de salts verticals. Un cop obtinguts els resultats de la primera tanda, els subjectes seran sotmesos a un entrenament combinat de sobrecàrrega, per tal de observar, en la segona tanda, si els resultats son significatius. Com a conclusió, es podria destacar el fet de millora en la majoria d’aspectes en tots els tests per part de tots els subjectes, i que probablement, hi ha una correlació significativa entre la força explosiva i la capacitat per esprintar, tot i que s’haurien de corroborar els resultats amb una mostra més gran.

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La poesia és un gènere literari, massa sovint, oblidat a les escoles. No obstant, està demostrat que es pot treballar amb persones de totes les edats, des d’infants ben petits, fins a persones adultes, sempre i quan, les metodologies i les tècniques utilitzades siguin adequades als receptors. Aquest gènere no implica només comprensió del vocabulari i del missatge final, sinó també comporta gaudir del joc de les paraules, dels sons, de la melodia, del ritme... Es pot dir, doncs, que poesia i música, són dues arts que estan estretament relacionades. Quins elements provoquen que una experiència de poesia tingui qualitat? En primer lloc, el “què”, quin tipus de poesia oferim als infants. Així doncs, els podem proporcionar poesia escrita per a infants, però també poesia , en un inici, pensada per a adults. I és que el poema que és bo per a nens/es també ho és per a gent més gran, i a l’inrevés. A més a més, la poesia ha de ser rítmica, melòdica i que busqui constantment el joc sonor de les paraules. En segon lloc, el “qui”, és a dir, quines condicions ha de tenir la persona que escriu i recita poesia, per fer-ho amb la màxima qualitat possible. L’escriptor ha de ser una persona culta, amb un profund lligam artístic. No tothom serveix per a ser un bon escriptor, ja que comporta una gran tasca . Pel que fa a l’art de recitar, és una habilitat que tothom pot adquirir, amb pràctica, voluntat i constància. En tercer i últim lloc, el “com”, la metodologia adequada per presentar la poesia als infants. Aquest gènere literari s’ha de presentar de forma vivencial. El primer que han de fer els infants és estar en contacte amb la llengua i viure la poesia. Només així aprendran a estimar aquest gènere i a creure en ell i en les seves possibilitats.

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El present estudi s’emmarca en una investigació duta a terme amb noies d’entre 15 i 30 anys de Sant Carles de la Ràpita sobre els hàbits de la pràctica esportiva. L’objectiu ha estat estudiar els diferents motius que afavoreixen l’abandonament esportiu en noies adolescents, així com detectar si el síndrome burnout és una causa d’abandonament rellevant en les joves esportistes. Per a això s’han analitzat 36 noies de diferents modalitats esportives a través d’un qüestionari de Garcés de los Fayos (1999), que hem adaptat a les necessitats de l’estudi. Els resultats obtinguts demostren que els principals motius d’abandonament esportiu són els estudis i la falta de temps, tot i que curiosament s’han trobat casos en els quals la motivació per part de l’entrenador/a, el recolzament de la família i les lesions n’han estat les causes. Pel que fa al burnout, s’ha detectat un cas aïllat, però s’ha de destacar que el 50% en pateixen alguns símptomes.

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The article presents the trajectory of the Swedish psychiatrist Gustav Jonsson (1907-1994) who, in the 1940s, revolutionised the therapeutic and educational treatment of children and young people, considered irreclaimable from the social point of view, who were committed to educational institutions. It analyses the social development of the Welfare State in Sweden, the legal framework of child protection, as well as the context of Swedish residential care centres for children and young people in the first half of the 20th century in order to go further into the psychological and educational work conducted with the Barnbyn Skå group. Jonsson redirected the analysis of violent behaviours that were manifest in these children and young people which made them intractable from the educational point of view and established elements of psychoanalytical understanding, based on a systemic approach in which the family context became essential in order to understand the children’s difficulties. Barnbyn Skå was the centre which, under the guidance of Jonsson, developed this new therapeutic and pedagogic approach. The educational work carried out there exceeded the traditional model in terms of control and surveillance. The methods were considered radical from within pedagogy and caused great controversy which led the centre to continuous investigations on behalf of the Social Services of Stockholm between 1960 and 1970. For several decades Barnbyn Skå has been considered a pioneering experience in the field of Scandinavian child psychiatry.

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L’estudi actualitza les taxes de reincidència dels menors sotmesos a una mesura d’internament o de llibertat vigilada que van ser publicades a la recerca “La reincidència en el delicte en la justícia de menors” finalitzada l’any 2005 i que van iniciar la sèrie. Aquest estudi ja és el sisè del mateix tipus i, en aquest cas, segueix els joves que van finalitzar una mesura de llibertat vigilada o d’internament l’any 2008, i els segueix fins el 31 de desembre de 2011 amb l’objectiu de saber si han comès un nou delicte que hagi estat detectat per la Xarxa d’execució penal, tant de joves com d’adults. S’ha estudiat tota la població de joves desinternats de centres, que per l’any 2008 foren 258 subjectes. En el cas de llibertat vigilada la població que ha finalitzat l’any 2008 ha estat de 967 subjectes. En total la població estudiada ha estat de 1.225 joves. Els resultats en la taxa de reincidència de llibertat vigilada han baixat lleugerament (28,7%) respecte l’any anterior (que era del 29,6%). En internament la taxa de reincidència també ha baixat lleugerament (57,8%) respecte l’any passat (58,7%). L’estudi permet comparar de forma seriada sis anys d’evolució de la taxa de reincidència juvenil després de la posada en marxa de la Llei Orgànica 5/2000, de 12 de gener, reguladora de la responsabilitat penal dels menors (LORPM).

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El estudio actualiza por quinto año las tasas de reincidencia juvenil en las medidas de libertad vigilada e internamiento en Catalunya. En este caso se ha estudiado a la población que finalizó una medida el año 2008 y se les ha seguido hasta el 31 de diciembre de 2011. Los resultados nos dicen que la tasa de reincidencia de libertad vigilada es del 28,7% y la tasa de internamiento es del 57,8%.

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The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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RESUMEN: El objetivo de este trabajo es calcular el importe de la prima pura periódica que debe cobrar el reasegurador a la cedente en un reaseguro finite risk en ambiente financiero estocástico. El problema de la convolución de las diferentes variables aleatorias que intervienen en el cálculo de la prima lo hemos solucionado simulando, por Monte-Carlo, trayectorias de siniestralidad para el reasegurador aplicando posteriormente, en cada trayectoria simulada, los criterios de decisión financieros, esperanza, varianza y desviación. En los criterios de la varianza y de la desviación proponemos utilizar una ecuación de recurrencia estocástica para evitar el problema de la dependencia que existe entre los factores de capitalización estocásticos, obteniendo la prima de reaseguro en función del nivel de aversión al riesgo del reasegurador y de la volatilidad del tipo de interés. Palabras clave: Finite risk, ambiente estocástico, ecuación de recurrencia, simulación de Monte-Carlo, prima pura periódica.

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Objectives: the goals of the present study were: 1) to compare the levels of anxiety, depression, and eating disorders in young patients assisted at a children"s hospital for obesity; 2) to determine whether anxiety and depression explain the symptoms of the eating disorders; and 3) to know which of these symptoms better discriminate the young people with different degrees of obesity. Materials and method: Descriptive, cross-sectional study with a sample comprised by 281 youngsters (56% girls) aged 11-17 years. The BMI percentiles were calculated by using the WHO growth tables. Two study groups were created: severe obesity and overweight/light-moderate obesity. The following questionnaires were used: Eating Disorders Inventory-2 (EDI-2), depression questionnaire (DQ), and Status-Trait Anxiety Questionnaire (STAI). Results: The youngsters with obesity showed more psychological problems than youngsters with overweight/ light-moderate obesity, 12% had anxiety, and 11% depression. In both groups, the behaviours related with eating disorders were partially explained by the presence of symptoms of anxiety and depression. Dissatisfaction with the body and high anxiety trait increased the risk for perpetuating the obesity and were the two symptoms that better discriminated the patients with or without severe obesity. Conclusion: Obesity prevention programmes should include body dissatisfaction and the anxiety trait into the assessment and management protocols, and prevent anxiety getting fixed as a personality trait.

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In this paper, a hybrid simulation-based algorithm is proposed for the StochasticFlow Shop Problem. The main idea of the methodology is to transform the stochastic problem into a deterministic problem and then apply simulation to the latter. In order to achieve this goal, we rely on Monte Carlo Simulation and an adapted version of a deterministic heuristic. This approach aims to provide flexibility and simplicity due to the fact that it is not constrained by any previous assumption and relies in well-tested heuristics.

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In this paper, a hybrid simulation-based algorithm is proposed for the StochasticFlow Shop Problem. The main idea of the methodology is to transform the stochastic problem into a deterministic problem and then apply simulation to the latter. In order to achieve this goal, we rely on Monte Carlo Simulation and an adapted version of a deterministic heuristic. This approach aims to provide flexibility and simplicity due to the fact that it is not constrained by any previous assumption and relies in well-tested heuristics.

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This article aims to analyze the different impact that some factors may exert on the probability that a small young firm invests intensively in R&D. Recently, an increasing amount of the literature makes reference to the vital role played by a small number of young firms in generating jobs and increasing efficiency levels. However, not all new firms invest in R&D. Departing from the definition of YICs (firms younger than 6 years old, fewer than 250 employees and with more than 15% of their revenues invested in R&D activities), and with an extensive sample of the Spanish Community Innovation Survey between 2004- 2010, we try to determine: i) those factors that cause firms to become YICs (innovative young small firms) or YNICs (moderately innovative young small firms); ii) what is the difference in the impact of those factors between YICs and YNICs. Our results show that factors such as initial innovation capacity and cooperation in R&D projects enhance the probability of becoming a YIC. Nevertheless, factors such as export potential and market uncertainty may influence the decision to invest moderately and become a YNIC. Keywords: Innovation, Policy, YICs. JEL Classifications: O31, D21