113 resultados para Political ex-prisoners


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In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.

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In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.

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This handbook describes the peer review methodology that was applied at the GODIAC project fi eld studies1. The peer review evaluation method as initiated by Otto Adang in the Netherlands and further developed in a European football context (Adang & Brown, 2008) involves experienced police offi cers cooperating with researchers to perform observational fi eld studies to identify good practices and learning points for public order management. The handbook builds on the GODIAC seminars and workshops, for the fi eld study members, which took place in September 2010, January 2012 and January 2013. The handbook has been discussed in the project group and in the steering committee. It is primarily written for the GODIAC fi eld study members as background material for understanding the fi eld study process and for clarifying the different responsibilities that enable active participation in the fi eld study. The handbook has been developed during the project period and incorporates learning points and developments of the peer review method. The handbook aims at promoting the use of fi eld studies for evaluation of policing major events.

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The volume is divided into two parts; the fi rst deals with issues related to the police, and the second addresses issues related to demonstrators and protesters. We hope that this volume will provide further insight into issues associated with policing at major events and shed light on the complexity of the organisations, motives, and strategies in play whenever protester groups are involved.

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This report summarises the fi eld study results of the project ’Good practice for dialogue and communication as strategic principles for policing political manifestations in Europe’ (GODIAC).1 The overall idea was to integrate operative police work, research and training within the fi eld and to build international and institutional networks, ensuring and recognising the responsibilities of the organisers. The purpose of the GODIAC project was to contribute to the development of a European approach to policing political manifestations.

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Why do public-sector workers receive so much of their compensation in the formof pensions and other benefits? This paper presents a political economy model inwhich politicians compete for taxpayers' and government employees' votes by promising compensation packages, but some voters cannot evaluate every aspect of promisedcompensation. If pension packages are "shrouded", so that public-sector workers better understand their value than ordinary taxpayers, then compensation will be highlyback-loaded. In equilibrium, the welfare of public-sector workers could be improved,holding total public-sector costs constant, if they received higher wages and lowerpensions. Centralizing pension determination has two offsetting effects on generosity:more state-level media attention helps taxpayers better understand pension costs, andthat reduces pension generosity; but a larger share of public-sector workers will votewithin the jurisdiction, which increases pension generosity. A short discussion of pensions in two decentralized states (California and Pennsylvania) and two centralizedstates (Massachusetts and Ohio) suggests that centralization appears to have modestlyreduced pensions, but, as the model suggests, this is unlikely to be universal.

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It has been studied the variability of stem radial growth in four radius orientations at the age of 25 years old trees. The species was Pinus uncinata. The sampling sites, located in the North East Spanish Pyrenees belong to different plant communities. An ANOVA analysis was performed in order to find out which factors, the radio orientation, plant community of the site and tree itself are significative or have some kind of influence on the tree radial growth.

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This paper studies fiscal federalism when regions differ in voters' ability to monitor publicofficials. We develop a model of political agency in which rent-seeking politicians providepublic goods to win support from heterogeneously informed voters. In equilibrium, voterinformation increases government accountability but displays decreasing returns. Therefore,political centralization reduces aggregate rent extraction when voter information varies acrossregions. It increases welfare as long as the central government is required to provide publicgoods uniformly across regions. The need for uniformity implies an endogenous trade off between reducing rents through centralization and matching idiosyncratic preferences throughdecentralization. We find that a federal structure with overlapping levels of government canbe optimal only if regional differences in accountability are sufficiently large. The modelpredicts that less informed regions should reap greater benefits when the central governmentsets a uniform policy. Consistent with our theory, we present empirical evidence that lessinformed states enjoyed faster declines in pollution after the 1970 Clean Air Act centralizedenvironmental policy at the federal level.

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En otoño de 1984 tuvimos la ocasión de recolectar este orófito europeo, con fruto maduro, en la cumbre del macizo calcáreo de la 'Mare de Deu del Mont', próximo a la población de Besalú (Prepirineos orientales). Vive en los rellanos herbosos inclinados, fisuras y oquedades de la cumbre, muy localizado, en pastos mesoxerófilos del Festucion gautieri. Un inventario tomado en el lugar muestra la siguiente composición florística (exp. N, incl. 60°, cobert. 100%): Festuca gautieri 5.5, Peucedanum schottii 2.3, Veronica austriaca subsp. vahlii 1.1, Avenula mirandana 1.1, Cruciata glabra 1.1, Phyteuma orbiculare 1.1, Seseli montanum 1.1, Dianthus seguieri subsp. gautieri 1.1, Galium pinetorum + , Vicia sepium +, Campanula rotundifolia +, Moehringia muscosa +.1, Allium senescens +, Teucrium chamaedrys + , Asperula cynanchica +, Dactylis glomerata + , Dianthus monspeliacus +, Sedum reflexum +, Vincetoxicum hirundinaria subsp. intermedium +.

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En aquest Treball de Fi de Grau es pretén establir un protocol per a la conservació ex situ de les espècies que hi ha en el Centre Ictiològic del Parc Natural del Delta de l’Ebre. Les espècies que es troben en el CI són espècies vulnerables o en perill: espinós, samaruc, fartet, rabosa, llopet de riu i tritó palmat. Els objectius d’aquest protocol són: que el CI tingui un protocol propi, aprendre com funciona tot el centre, totes les espècies, com alimentar-les, com manipular-les i com tractar-les durant tot el seu cicle de vida. Un altre objectiu és el de veure si a finals d’any s’obté una alta població de cada espècie, quines són reintroduïdes, les patologies sorgides i els valors dels paràmetres químics de les basses naturals exteriors. El protocol s’elabora a partir de les pràctiques realitzades durant l’estiu del 2013 i els coneixements adquirits, la bibliografia i les dades del CI. Gràcies a això s’ha elaborat el treball. S’ha tractat la conservació ex situ; la problemàtica que sofreixen les espècies; cadascuna d’aquestes espècies; com funciona el CI a nivell de centre i a nivell de personal; les tasques que hi ha diàriament, setmanalment i ocasionalment segons les necessitats de l’estoc; el maneig sanitari; les patologies i com tractar-les; i l’anàlisi genètic. Els resultats obtinguts d’aquest protocol són els resultats numèrics obtinguts de l’any 2013 que són: 1. El gran nombre de cries nascudes de samaruc i fartet, menys de raboseta de riu, poques d’espinós i tritó palmat, i menys de llopet que tot just comença ara en el CI. 2. El total d’uns 5700 individus reitnroduits (samaruc, raboseta de riu i espinós de Girona). 3. La patologia més sorgida és el punt blanc. 4. I els paràmetres químics (amoni, nitrits, nitrats i fòsfor) no són molt elevats. La conclusió final i més important a la que arribo en fer el protocol és la gran importància que té el CI per a conservar aquestes espècies que no es saben apreciar fins que comencen a desparèixer. La existència del CI és més aviat una mesura correctora de tots els impactes que han sofert els habitatges de les espècies tractades i de la introducció d’espècies exòtiques que són una amenaça per les autòctones.

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Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.

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For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.