Does partisan alignment affect the electoral reward of intergovernmental transfers?

[spa] En este trabajo analizamos la hipótesis que las transferencias asignadas a los municipios políticamente alineados generan un mayor apoyo político que las transferencias asignada a los municipios gobernados por la oposición. Para contrastar esta hipótesis utilizamos datos de las transferencias recibidas por 617 municipios españoles procedentes de dos niveles de gobierno superiores (Regional o Autonómico y Supra-Local o Diputaciones) durante el período 1993-2003, así como datos de los votos obtenidos en las tres elecciones celebradas en los diferentes niveles de gobierno durante este período.

The effects of tax deductibility on the mix of property taxes and use charges: an empirical analysis of the spanish case

This paper tests some hypothesis about the determinants of the local tax structure. In particular, we focus on the effects that the property tax deductibility in the national income tax has on the relative use of the property tax and user charges. We deal with the incentive effects that local governments face regarding the different sources of revenue by means of a model in which the local tax structure and the level of public expenditure arise as a result of the maximizing behaviour of local politicians subject to the economic effects of the tax system. We attempt to test the hypothesis developed with data corresponding to a set of Spanish municipalities during the period 1987-9l. We find that tax deductibility provides incentives to raise revenues from the property tax but does not introduce a biass against user charges or in favor of overall spending growth

Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany

The Great Depression spurred State ownership in Western capitalist countries. Germany was no exception; the last governments of the Weimar Republic took over firms in diverse sectors. Later, the Nazi regime transferred public ownership and public services to the private sector. In doing so, they went against the mainstream trends in the Western capitalist countries, none of which systematically reprivatized firms during the 1930s. Privatization in Nazi Germany was also unique in transferring to private hands the delivery f public services previously provided by government. The firms and the services transferred to private ownership belonged to diverse sectors. Privatization was part of an intentional policy with multiple objectives and was not ideologically driven. As in many recent privatizations, particularly within the European Union, strong financial restrictions were a central motivation. In addition, privatization was used as a political tool to enhance support for the government and for the Nazi Party.

Evaluating the impact of public subsidies on a firm's performance: a quasi-experimental approach

Many regional governments in developed countries design programs to improve the competitiveness of local firms. In this paper, we evaluate the effectiveness of public programs whose aim is to enhance the performance of firms located in Catalonia (Spain). We compare the performance of publicly subsidised companies (treated) with that of similar, but unsubsidised companies (non-treated). We use the Propensity Score Matching (PSM) methodology to construct a control group which, with respect to its observable characteristics, is as similar as possible to the treated group, and that allows us to identify firms which retain the same propensity to receive public subsidies. Once a valid comparison group has been established, we compare the respective performance of each firm. As a result, we find that recipient firms, on average, change their business practices, improve their performance, and increase their value added as a direct result of public subsidy programs.

Lobbying, political competition, and local land supply: recent evidence from Spain

We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.

Does partisan alignment affect the electoral reward of intergovernmental transfers?

[spa] En este trabajo analizamos la hipótesis que las transferencias asignadas a los municipios políticamente alineados generan un mayor apoyo político que las transferencias asignada a los municipios gobernados por la oposición. Para contrastar esta hipótesis utilizamos datos de las transferencias recibidas por 617 municipios españoles procedentes de dos niveles de gobierno superiores (Regional o Autonómico y Supra-Local o Diputaciones) durante el período 1993-2003, así como datos de los votos obtenidos en las tres elecciones celebradas en los diferentes niveles de gobierno durante este período.

The effects of tax deductibility on the mix of property taxes and use charges: an empirical analysis of the spanish case

This paper tests some hypothesis about the determinants of the local tax structure. In particular, we focus on the effects that the property tax deductibility in the national income tax has on the relative use of the property tax and user charges. We deal with the incentive effects that local governments face regarding the different sources of revenue by means of a model in which the local tax structure and the level of public expenditure arise as a result of the maximizing behaviour of local politicians subject to the economic effects of the tax system. We attempt to test the hypothesis developed with data corresponding to a set of Spanish municipalities during the period 1987-9l. We find that tax deductibility provides incentives to raise revenues from the property tax but does not introduce a biass against user charges or in favor of overall spending growth

Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany

The Great Depression spurred State ownership in Western capitalist countries. Germany was no exception; the last governments of the Weimar Republic took over firms in diverse sectors. Later, the Nazi regime transferred public ownership and public services to the private sector. In doing so, they went against the mainstream trends in the Western capitalist countries, none of which systematically reprivatized firms during the 1930s. Privatization in Nazi Germany was also unique in transferring to private hands the delivery f public services previously provided by government. The firms and the services transferred to private ownership belonged to diverse sectors. Privatization was part of an intentional policy with multiple objectives and was not ideologically driven. As in many recent privatizations, particularly within the European Union, strong financial restrictions were a central motivation. In addition, privatization was used as a political tool to enhance support for the government and for the Nazi Party.

Memòria del projecte: Trajectòries d'èxit de joves immigrants a l'ensenyament superior i al món professional

[cat] L'educació dels immigrants és un tema prioritari a les agendes polítiques de molts països de la OCDE. En molts casos, els governs s'han preocupat especialment de la seva integració al món del treball però creix l'interès en els seus resultats al sistema educatiu i en la revisió de les polítiques adreçades a respondre a les seves necessitats educatives i formatives. La majoria d'aquests estudis es situen a l'esfera de l'educació infantil, primària, secundaria i formació professional, per això resulta pràcticament impossible trobar informes que analitzin el baix percentatge d'accés d'estudiants immigrants extracomunitaris a la universitat (al voltant de 3,3% en el cas de Catalunya); que contribueixin a entendre els factors que configuren les trajectòries d'èxit escolar i d'integració laboral dels estudiants immigrants que accedeixen i completen els estudis universitaris; que puguin donar pautes per desenvolupar polítiques educatives que millorin els resultats d'aprenentatge dels estudiants immigrants; i que puguin servir com a mirall i incentiu per a altres persones immigrants i, perquè no, també del país. Aquest projecte ha estudiat el conjunt d'elements que condicionen l'accés dels joves immigrants als estudis universitaris, i a l'estatus laboral que els hi hauria de possibilitar la seva formació universitària.L'estudi ha consistit en una metaanàlisi dels documents existents sobre el tema i en la realització de 8 narratives biogràfiques; quatre de persones cursant diferents estudis a les universitats catalanes i quatre que ja s'han incorporat al món del professional. Aquestes narratives venen acompanyades de 8 vídeos que exploren noves maneres de visibilització d'aquesta població i es transformen en una pràctica d'autoria. Aquest material visual pot servir com a recurs educatiu, en la mida que pugui ser un mirall i un incentiu per a altres persones immigrants i del país.Finalment, presenta un seguit de recomanacions per als responsables de les polítiques i dels centres educatius.

Cap a una tipologia dels governs autonòmics a Espanya, 1980-2003

La nostra tasca és analitzar, en termes agregats i generals, els governs autonòmics a partir de les diferents característiques que resulten del seu estudi amb les eines de les teories de les coalicions.

Gobiernos minoritarios, pactos parlamentarios y producción legislativa en España

Este artículo centra su atención en la producción legislativa en los períodos de gobierno minoritario, a partir de la cual se deducen algunas características de los pactos parlamentarios que sustentan al ejecutivo. Los datos referentes a las iniciativas tramitadas en el legislativo indican que el partido que gobierna es el autor de la práctica totalidad de iniciativas aprobadas. Los partidos de la oposición apenas consiguen sacar adelante algunas proposiciones y enmiendas, siempre y cuando dispongan mejoras de carácter más bien técnico. Sin embargo, los partidos que apoyan al partido mayoritario sí llegan a ver sancionada alguna proposición suya de mayor calado político, así como enmiendan parcialmente las leyes de los presupuestos generales, por ejemplo. Con todo, de la producción legislativa se conocen más las iniciativas que separan a los integrantes de los pactos parlamentarios, que no las medidas acordadas. Las primeras no suelen ser sancionadas, pero sí son tramitadas porque sirven como herramienta de presión de los partidos que apoyan al gobierno; las segundas ya quedan incluidas en los proyectos de ley, fruto de una negociación previa a los trámites parlamentarios. En suma, según se desprende de los datos generales disponibles, la existencia de ejecutivos minoritarios no implica una pérdida significativa del protagonismo legislador del gobierno.

Prevalencia y características del abuso sexual infantil en estudiantes universitarios españoles

Objective: The purpose of this paper was to compare the prevalence rates of child sexual abuse reported by [Finkelhor, D. (1994). The international epidemiology of child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 18 (5), 409417] with those found in recent publications in order to confirm the widespread prevalence of child sexual abuse. Methods: Relevant articles about prevalence of child sexual abuse were identified through searches of computerized databases and a handsearch of Child Abuse & Neglect and the Journal of Child Sexual Abuse. Results: Thirty-eight independent articles were identified, corresponding to 39 prevalence studies; these articles report the prevalence of childhood sexual abuse in 21 different countries, ranging from 0 to 53% for women and 0 to 60% for men. Conclusions: Comparison of the present study with that of [Finkelhor, D. (1994). The international epidemiology of child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 18 (5), 409417] shows a similarity between prevalence distributions; there appears to be a general pattern that remains more or less constant over the years, especially in women. Practice implications: Twelve years after the first revision study about the international prevalence of child sexual abuse, there is still a need for new data about this topic. The present study shows child sexual abuse is still a widespread problem in the society. In this research, carried out on 38 independent studies, there is new data for 21 countries over the world, being especially relevant the results obtained from other countries different from those pertaining toNorth America or Europe. It is important to point out the high prevalence found in most of the countries, so this information could be a new warning to make society and governments aware of this problem and undertake actions to prevent sexual abuse in childhood. © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Uncertainty, electoral incentives and political myopia

We study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build aframework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectlyobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies withfuture returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, undersome conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewardscan be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limitto governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised factsand with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better fiscal discipline in a panel of 20 OECDcountries.

Calidad de vida y percepción de la desigualdad de la mujer en la ciudad de Girona = Quality of life and inequality perception’s of women in the city of Girona

La igualdad de oportunidades para las mujeres, como factor clave para avanzar en la consecución de calidad de vida preocupa hoy en día a la sociedad en general y alas instituciones en particular. Antes de la elaboración de programas de intervención social es necesario conocer las percepciones de las propias mujeres acerca de sus problemas y de sus necesidades. Siguiendo esta línea de pensamiento presentamos un trabajo empírico en el que analizamos las percepciones de las mujeres de la ciudad de Girona, centrándonos en dos aspectos de manera particular: la percepción de calidad de vida proporcionada por su ciudad y la percepción de desigualdad de oportunidades y/o de discriminación. Los principales resultados, obtenidos a partir de las respuestas a un cuestionario auto-administrado, y proporcionados por una muestra de mujeres seleccionadas aleatoriamente a partir de un muestreo estratificado geográficamente, indican que en general están satisfechas con su ciudad aunque detectamos las principales causas de insatisfacción. Por otra parte, tas principales fuentes de desigualdad se refieren al mundo laboral (menos salario por el mismo trabajo, dificultades de encontrar trabajo si tienen hijos o si son ya mayores), y en la actitud general de la sociedad en el sentido de tener que cumplir el papel que tradicionalmente se les ha asignado

Saving lives: Evidence from a conditional food supplementation program

Many governments in developing countries implement programs that aim to address nutrionalfailures in early childhood, yet evidence on the effectiveness of these interventions is scant. Thispaper evaluates the impact of a conditional food supplementation program on child mortality inEcuador. The Programa de Alimentaci?n y Nutrici?n Nacional (PANN) 2000 was implementedby regular staff at local public health posts and consisted of offering a free micronutrient-fortifiedfood, Mi Papilla, for children aged 6 to 24 months in exchange for routine health check-ups forthe children. Our regression discontinuity design exploits the fact that at its inception, the PANN2000 was running for about 8 months only in the poorest communities (parroquias) of certainprovinces. Our main result is that the presence of the program reduced child mortality in cohortswith 8 months of differential exposure from a level of about 2.5 percent by 1 to 1.5 percentagepoints.