Evaluación de necesidades y diseño de la intervención para la reintegración social de los delincuentes sexuales de alto riesgo

Este trabajo recoge las necesidades para la reintegración que presentan los delincuentes sexuales de las prisiones catalanas y cómo se pueden abordar éstas mediante un modelo que ha dado buenos resultados en otros países: Circles of Support and Accountability (CoSA a partir de ahora). El objetivo es conocer cómo funcionan los Círculos de Apoyo y Responsabilidad y cuáles son los requisitos necesarios para adaptar este modelo a los servicios penitenciarios de Cataluña. Con este fin se ha hecho un análisis cuantitativo de los principales rasgos de la población penitenciaria catalana, se ha revisado la bibliografía sobre el modelo CoSA y se ha hecho observación de campo en su aplicación en el Reino Unido. También se ha contado con las opiniones de expertos y profesionales de Cataluña y se han realizado entrevistas a una pequeña muestra de delincuentes sexuales en régimen de semilibertad. Aunque en Cataluña hay programas en las prisiones para potenciar la rehabilitación de los delincuentes sexuales, la investigación destaca el importante papel del apoyo social y del mantenimiento de los cambios del tratamiento en el medio comunitario como elementos clave para la reducción de la reincidencia. El modelo de Círculos optimiza el efecto de estos procesos, y muestra un modelo de supervisión que concilia el objetivo de protección pública con la reintegración del delincuente. Del estudio de la población penitenciaria se concluye que hay una parte de internos que podrían beneficiarse de este programa y que lo reconocen como una fuente importante de apoyo ante las importantes dificultades que encuentran en el proceso de retorno a la libertad. Se propone un programa CerclesCat adaptado a la realidad del sistema penitenciario catalán y se describe el proceso de implementación.

¿Se puede hablar de una metrología ilercavona? Sobre la posible existencia de una unidad de medida lineal en la Ilercavonia

A partir del análisis metrológico realizado en 4 asentamientos ibéricos del tramo final del Ebro, en la región ilercavona planteamos la utilización de una unidad de medida basada en un pie de 0,32 m. Su primera aplicación probable se identifica en la torre bipartita del Castellot de la Roca Roja de Benifallet (final del siglo v a.C.), pero será entre los siglos iii y ii a.C. cuando tendrá una mayor adaptación, como se puede apreciar en su uso en la trama urbana de El Castellet de Banyoles de Tivissa, el sistema defensivo de Sant Miquel de Vinebre y probablemente en el edificio singular del Perengil de Vinaròs. Su mayor difusión durante el siglo iii a.C. se relaciona con el momento de concentración de poblamiento en el territorio ilercavón en grandes núcleos, como El Castellet de Banyoles, dentro de un fenómeno de jerarquización del territorio que muestra un sistema económico centralizado de tipo protoestatal.

Blanco bajo negro. Trabajos desde lo imperceptible /1. Blanca Casas Brullet: Hacer decir

Las grandes fotografías Espacespages [Espaciospáginas] (2009) trabajan en la transformacióndel espacio creativo de la página blanca hacia el espacio habilitado y de obertura al mundo.La imagen da protagonismo al vacío de la habitación, casi una celda, donde tiene lugar unaacción, iluminada tenuemente a través de una ventana doble que me hace pensar en dos ojosque contemplan atentos el interior de un proceso de creación...

White under Black. Works from the imperceptible / 1. Blanca Casas Brullet: Make Say

White under Black. Works from the imperceptible / 1. Blanca Casas Brullet: Make Say The large photographs of Espacespages (2009) work to transform the creative space of the blank page toward the enabled space of openness to the world. The image gives prominence to the emptiness of the room, almost a cell, in which an action takes place, dimly illuminated by a pair of windows that makes me think of two eyes that attentively contemplate the interior of a process of creation.

Primers resultats de l'Essai de dictionnaire historique de la langue catalane, de Julià-Bernat Alart (1824-1880)

Julià-Bernat Alart (1824 – 1880, Vinçà) fou un arxiver, historiador i filòleg rossellonès de primer ordre. Entre molts treballs que va dur a terme, hem volgut treure a la llum uns primers resultats sobre l’inèdit Essai de dictionnaire historique de la langue catalane. Es tracta d’un recull de 14.639 cèdules lexicogràfiques que consten d’una paraula catalana amb una o més documentacions antigues. Gràcies a aquest material, hem pogut demostrar que l’Essai aporta nova informació lingüística i històrica que no recullen cap dels dos diccionaris històrics de referència del català ―el DCVB i el DECat―, com ara nous lemes o atestacions primerenques

Parc Central de Nou Barris

El paisatge mediterrani és una terra de llum, de sol i d’ombres, de forta topografia formada per pendents aterrassades i rieres que baixen cap al mar. També és un paisatge amb una extraordinària pressió de l’home. La presencia del home ha estat un fet continuat al llarg de la història. Per tant, és un paisatge completament transformat per l’home. Des de les ciutats fins als camps la presència de l’home és omnipresent i es fa impossible la separació de natura i artifici. En qualsevol cas el fet de que la interacció humana ha estat continuada i estesa al llarg d’un molt extens període de temps, lligat al fet de la lentitud i graduació d’aquests procés de transformació , provoquen dos trets fonamentals: la indiferència d’home i natura i la unicitat del seu paisatge.En el paisatge català podem trobar rastres d’aquest procés per tot arreu. Els Romans van importar els pins que són indissociables del paisatge de la Costa Brava. Els xiprers es plantaven com senyals d’hospitalitat o d’espiritualitat, o bé com a barreres per protegir-se de la Tramuntana. Les palmeres sovint expliquen la historia d’un ‘indiano’ que va fer fortuna a les Amèriques. Les oliveres i les vinyes estan tan arrelades en el paisatge que han acabat per perdre el seu caràcter agrícola i convertir-se en l’essència del Mediterrani, l’antiga aliança entre oli i vi.El suau clima mediterrani també té dues conseqüències importants. La utilització agrícola de la terra amb el subproducte d’una erosió controlada o manipulada des de la topografia natural a una d’artificial. I la especial qualitat de la seva vida urbana fonamentalment a l’aire lliure. Aquesta és probablement la principal contribució a la humanitat: l’ aparició de la polís, de la ciutat. Ciutat entesa en el seu més ampli significat; com lloc de intercanvi, de cultura i de comerç, en resum un lloc d’encontre humà.Molt d’aquest paisatge es conceptualitza en el paisatge Cubista. L’addició de diversos punts de vista i geometries com camps de cultiu, façanes i cobertes de teula, murs de pedra seca, estan emmarcats en una superfície plana que és la tela del pintor. Cezanne va mostrar parcialment aquest potencial en les juxtaposicions i gradacions de color dels paisatges de Gardanne. Finalment Picasso va culminar el manifest Cubista en les seves exultants pintures de paisatges urbans/rurals d’Horta de Sant Joan de l’estiu de 1909. El Paisatge Cubista, utilitzant l’abstracció formal, addiciona la multiplicitat de significats i percepcions del lloc i crea una nova realitat.A l’estratègia cubista d’assignar valors similars a l’home i a la natura explorant les seves qualitats formals hi ha molta de la mateixa qualitat descrita abans en el paisatge Mediterrani. Nogensmenys, tal i com anticipaven els pioners del Moviment Modern, hi ha un gran potencial per a ser aplicat al projecte de paisatge, de ciutat i d’arquitectura.La percepció arquitectònica aplicada a l’ espai urbà ha produït un cert grau d’ originalitat a la pràctica del paisatgisme, fonamentalment en el context urbà, ja sigui en la ciutat tradicional o encara més en els nous territoris de la perifèria urbana.El Parc Central dels arquitectes Arriola&Fiol al districte de Nou Barris a Barcelona es va projectar tenint presents els conceptes exposats abans. L’emplaçament del projecte és el buit resultant de la massiva construcció de blocs d’habitatge durant els anys 60’ i 70’ en una part de Barcelona que fins aquell moment no eren res més que camps de cultiu. A desgrat del tamany del problema la superfície de l’àrea quasi no es pot apreciar com a conseqüència de la organització caòtica dels blocs. El projecte tracta de suggerir un altre paisatge que proposi no tant sols un parc urbà en el centre d’un barri densament poblat sinó també integrar el skyline i la massa construïda dels blocs com una part inseparable i essencial del nou paisatge.www.arriolafiol.com

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Llengua al límit. Una llengua, dos camins. L'encontre necessari.

En el treball es realitza una transcripció de dos programes de televisió, amb la idea de saber quin és el tipus de llenguatge que usen aquests mitjans per adreçar-se al seu públic. Però seria absurd ignorar altres canals per als quals la llengua és imprescindible. Em refereixo al cinema, sobretot. I malgrat que no es considera un mitjà de comunicació, també és un element importantíssim pel que fa al tractament i transmissió lingüístics. I molts productes del cinema acaben sortint per televisió. La premsa escrita i, com a cas especial, Internet, també hi tenen força a dir.