149 resultados para permanent income inequality
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The purpose of this contribution is to draw a picture of the (uneven) distribution of economic activities across the states of the European Union (EU) and the consequences entailed by it. We will briefly summarize the most salient and recent contributions. Then, in the light of the economic geography theory, we will discuss the economic and social advantages and disadvantages associated with a core- periphery structure. In this sense, particular attention will be addressed to the EU financial system of Structural Funds and the effects they produced. Finally, we will formulate some suggestions, relying on the EU experience, that could be of interest to the current Brazilian regional policy.
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In this paper we study a behavioral model of conflict that provides a basis for choosing certain indices of dispersion as indicators for conflict. We show that the (equilibrium) level of conflict can be expressed as an (approximate) linear function of the Gini coefficient, the Herfindahl-Hirschman fractionalization index, and a specific measure of polarization due to Esteban and Ray
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This paper uses sequential stochastic dominance procedures to compare the joint distribution of health and income across space and time. It is the First application of which we are aware of methods to compare multidimensional distributions of income and health using procedures that are robust to aggregation techniques. The paper's approach is more general than comparisons of health gradients and does not require the estimation of health equivalent incomes. We illustrate the approach by contrasting Canada and the US using comparable data. Canada dominates the US over the lower bidimensional welfare distribution of health and income, though not generally in terms of the uni-dimensional distribution of health or income. The paper also finds that welfare for both Canadians and Americans has not unambiguously improved during the last decade over the joint distribution of income and health, in spite of the fact that the uni-dimensional distributions of income have clearly improved during that period.
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This paper compares the poverty reduction impact of income sources, taxes and transfers across five OECD countries. Since the estimation of that impact can depend on the order in which the various income sources are introduced into the analysis, it is done by using the Shapley value. Estimates of the poverty reduction impact are presented in a normalized and un-normalized fashion, in order to take into into account the total as well as the per dollar impacts. The methodology is applied to data from the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) database.
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This paper studies a model of announcements by a privately informed government about the future state of the economic activity in an economy subject to recurrent shocks and with distortions due to income taxation. Although transparent communication would ex ante be desirable, we find that even a benevolent government may ex-post be non-informative, in an attempt to countervail the tax distortion with a "second best" compensating distortion in information. This result provides a rationale for independent national statistical offices, committed to truthful communication. We also find that whether inequality in income distribution favors or harms government transparency depends on labor supply elasticity.
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"Vegeu el resum a l'inici del document del fitxer adjunt."
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Empirical studies assume that the macro Mincer return on schooling is con- stant across countries. Using a large sample of countries this paper shows that countries with a better quality of education have on average relatively higher macro Mincer coeficients. As rich countries have on average better educational quality, differences in human capital between countries are larger than has been typically assumed in the development accounting literature. Consequently, factor accumulation explains a considerably larger share of income differences across countries than what is usually found.
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"Vegeu el resum a l'inici del document del fitxer adjunt."
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"Vegeu el resum a l'inici del document del fitxer adjunt."
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La comunicació mòbil és la tecnologia que ha estat adoptada d'una forma més àmplia i ràpida que cap altra. (Castells et al., 2007). Representa la difusió de les comunicacions i de la capacitat computacional en una part cada cop més gran de les activitats socials, d'investigació i aprenentatge. Ha trobat eco en el comportament emergent de la joventut, donant recolzament als models característics d'interacció social i formació de grups, ús de la informació i expressió personal. La creació de xarxes difuses canvia la manera de coordinar els nostres recursos per aconseguir objectius. Per exemple, canvia l'ús del temps i l'espai. La pausa en directe és una rutina perquè els estudiants puguin escoltar o mirar conferències en el gimnàs o en el tren. L'ús de l'espai per promoure cites “ad hoc” i l'aprenentatge social està guanyant importància. A mesura que la xarxa s'estén, tenim múltiples punts de connexió que ens ofereixen diferents graus d'experiència (l'escriptori, el telèfon mòbil, l'xBox o la Wii, el sistema GPS, els telèfons intel·ligents, ordinadors ultraportàtils, etc.). Malgrat coincidir en diversos espectes, també estan optimitzats per diferents propòsits. Un acompanyament natural a aquesta xarxa de punts de connexió és el trasllat de molts serveis cap al núvol, que es troba disponible a la xarxa a través dels diferents dispositius i entorns. Això significa que cada cop és més parcial centrar-se exclusivament en el lloc web institucional com a principal mecanisme de distribució i en el navegador com a principal entorn de consum. Els estudiants estan orientats als resultats i valoren la comoditat. Aquest èmfasi, juntament a les restriccions de disseny d’alguns dispositius promou la necessitat d’arribar ràpidament a la rellevància. La socialització, la personalització i la consciència de la localització cobren més importància. Les biblioteques han estat treballant per desenvolupar serveis preparats per la xarxa. La comunicació mòbil intensifica aquesta activitat i hi afegeix nous reptes mentre s'estudia què vol dir estar preparat per la xarxa. Això té implicacions en l'organització des del moment que l'èmfasi es desplaça cap a la integració del procés de treball al voltant de l'estudiant o investigador i crea noves relacions amb altres organitzacions de serveis del campus. També té conseqüències en la manera d'utilitzar l'espai, en les habilitats de la biblioteca i en com es desenvolupen les col·leccions. Podem observar l'impacte de la comunicació mòbil en els serveis de dues maneres. En primer lloc, els serveis es poden convertir en aptes per ser mòbils, com és el cas de les interfícies mòbils per als serveis de les biblioteques, els serveis d'alerta, etc. En segon lloc, la mobilització continua la reestructuració dels serveis, les organitzacions i l'atenció produïda per la xarxa. Penseu aquí la manera de socialitzar i personalitzar els serveis; en com adaptar l'ús de la col·lecció i el servei que s'estén a l'entorn institucional, personal i de núvol; en com posicionar i promoure la marca de la biblioteca a mesura que els serveis s'atomitzen i es fan menys visibles a la xarxa; i altres qüestions més complexes com què és millor fer localment i què s'ha de fer amb acords de col·laboració o terceres parts.
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We introduce a model of redistributive income taxation and public expenditure. This joint treatment permits analyzing the interdependencies between the two policies: one cannot be chosen independently of the other. Empirical evidence reveals that partisan confrontation essentially falls on expenditure policies rather than on income taxation. We examine the case in which the expenditure policy (or the size of government) is chosen by majority voting and income taxation is consistently adjusted. This adjustment consists of designing the income tax schedule that, given the expenditure policy, achieves consensus among the population. The model determines the consensus in- come tax schedule, the composition of public expenditure and the size of government. The main results are that inequality is negatively related to the size of government and to the pro-rich bias in public expenditure, and positively or negatively related to the marginal income tax, depending on substitutability between government supplied and market goods. These implications are validated using OECD data.
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The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.
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In recent years traditional inequality measures have been used to quite a considerable extent to examine the international distribution of environmental indicators. One of its main characteristics is that each one assigns different weights to the changes that occur in the different sections of the variable distribution and, consequently, the results they yield can potentially be very different. Hence, we suggest the appropriateness of using a range of well-recommended measures to achieve more robust results. We also provide an empirical test for the comparative behaviour of several suitable inequality measures and environmental indicators. Our findings support the hypothesis that in some cases there are differences among measures in both the sign of the evolution and its size. JEL codes: D39; Q43; Q56. Keywords: international environment factor distribution; Kaya factors; Inequality measurement
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This paper analyzes the role of the energy transformation index and of final energy consumption per GDP unit in the disparities in energy intensity across countries. In that vein, we use a Theil decomposition approach to analyze global primary energy intensity inequality as well as inequality across different regions of the world and inequality within these regions. The paper first demonstrates the pre-eminence of divergence in final energy consumption per GDP unit in explaining global primary energy intensity inequality and its evolution during the 1971-2006 period. Secondly, it shows the lower (albeit non negligible) impact of the transformation index in global primary energy inequality. Thirdly, the relevance of regions as unit of analysis in studying crosscountry energy intensity inequality and their explanatory factors is highlighted. And finally, how regions around the world differ as to the relevance of the energy transformation index in explaining primary energy intensity inequality.
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The design of European mitigation policies requires a detailed examination of the factors explaining the unequal emissions in the different countries. This research analyzes the evolution of inequality in CO2 per capita emissions in the European Union (EU-27) in the 1990-2006 period and its explanatory factors. For this purpose, we decompose the Theil index of inequality into the contributions of the different Kaya factors. The decomposition is also applied to the inequality between and within groups of countries (North Europe, South Europe, and East Europe). The analysis shows an important reduction in inequality, to a large extent due to the smaller differences between groups and because of the lower contribution of the energy intensity factor. The importance of the GDP per capita factor increases and becomes the main explanatory factor. However, within the different groups of countries the carbonization index appears to be the most relevant factor in explaining inequalities.